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[UNESCO General History of Africa]
UNESCO General History of Africa
Volume I Methodology and African Prehistory
(Editor J. Ki-Zerbo)
Volume II Ancient Civilizations of Africa
(Editor G. Mokhtar)
Volume III Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century
(Editor M. El Fasi)
(Assistant Editor I. Hrbek)
Volume IV Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century
(Editor D. T. Niane)
Volume V Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century
(Editor B. A. Ogot)
Volume VI Africa in the Nineteenth Century until the 1880s
(Editor J. F. A. Ajayi)
Volume VII Africa under Colonial Domination, 1880-1935
(Editor A. A. Boahen)
Volume VIII Africa since 1935
(Editor A. A. Mazrui)
(Assistant Editor C. Wondji)
Volume IX General History of Africa: Revisited
(Editor Augustin F. C. Holl)
Volume X Africa and Its Diasporas
(Editor Vanicléia Silva Santos)
Volume XI Global Africa Today
(Editor Hilary Beckles) | UNESCO General History of Africa | [
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[GENERAL HISTORY OF AFRICA \cdot X | Africa and its Diasporas EDITOR VANICLÉIA SILVA SANTOS]
GENERAL HISTORY OF AFRICA \cdot X
Africa and its Diasporas EDITOR VANICLÉIA SILVA SANTOS
Published in 2025 by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 7, place de Fontenoy, 75352 Paris 07 SP, France.
(c) UNESCO 2025
ISBN 978-92-3-100637-1
DOI: https://doi.org/10.54678/IHFW3136 | GENERAL HISTORY OF AFRICA \cdot X | Africa and its Diasporas EDITOR VANICLÉIA SILVA SANTOS | [
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[(0)]
(0)
This publication is available in Open Access under the Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 IGO (CC-BY-SA 3.0 IGO) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/igo/). By using the content of this publication, the users accept to be bound by the terms of use of the UNESCO Open Access Repository (https://www.unesco.org/en/open-access/cc-sa).
Images marked with an asterisk (*) do not fall under the CC-BY-SA license and may not be used or reproduced without the prior permission of the copyright holders.
The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNESCO concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.
The ideas and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors; they are not necessarily those of UNESCO and do not commit the Organization. | (0) | [
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[(0) | Coordination at UNESCO]
Coordination at UNESCO
Coordination and management: Mouhamadou Lamine Diagne, General History of Africa Programme UNESCO coordination team members: Ali Moussa Iye (retd.), Tabue Nguma, Mohamed Ziadah (decd.), Nyasha Kwedza, Dioulli Kane, Jihane Laaziz, Maissa Gourar, Marlova Jovchelovitch Noleto, Maria Rebeca Otero Gomes, Mariana Braga Alves de Souza Neves, Maria Luiza Monteiro Bueno e Silva, Mimouna Abderrahmane
Cover Photo: © Milton Guran
Graphic Design (cover and text): Maria Luiza Monteiro Bueno e Silva, Rafael Hildebrand
Technical revision: Professor Augustin F. C. Holl
English Editors: UNESCO
Proofreader: Gina Doubleday
General History of Africa website: https://www.unesco.org/en/general-history-africa
Printed by UNESCO
Printed in France | (0) | Coordination at UNESCO | [
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[ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS]
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
UNESCO acknowledges with gratitude the generous contributions received for the production of this publication from the following public and private partners (in alphabetical order): Government of Angola, Government of Brazil, Companhia Energética de Minas Gerais, Escola Superior Dom Helder Câmara, MTN (Republic of South Africa), UNIBANCO (Brazil), Xiamen University (China). | ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS | [
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[IN MEMORIAM]
IN MEMORIAM
We would like to express our gratitude to the experts below for their contributions to the new General History of Africa, Volumes IX-XI:
Professor Ambassador (retired) Olabiyi Joseph Babalola Yai, Benin, member of the International Scientific Committee for the drafting of the new volumes of the GHA Professor Alain Anselin, Guadeloupe, France, author
Professor Mamadi Dembele, Mali, author
Professor Harry Goulbourne, UK, author
Professor Patrick Harries, South Africa, author
Professor Catherine Servan-Schreiber, France, author
Mr Mohamed Ziadah, Sudan, Programme Specialist, member of the coordination team Professor Graham Connah, UK, author | IN MEMORIAM | [
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[CONTENTS]
CONTENTS
List of Figures ..... XV
List of Tables and Graphics ..... XIX
Foreword by Audrey Azoulay, Director-General of UNESCO ..... XXI
General introduction: Reconceptualizing the History of Africa and its Diasporas (Augustin F. C. HOLL, the Chair of the Scientific Committee) ..... XXV
Introduction: History of Africa and its Diasporas (Vanicléia SILVA SANTOS) ..... XLIX
Section I: Redefining Global Africanity and Blackness (Coordinator Carole BOYCE-DAVIS)
Introduction: The Epistemological Basis for Claiming Black Identities (Carole BOYCE-DAVIS) ..... 3
I Blackness Beyond the United States: Understanding New Diasporic Definitions (Michelle M. WRIGHT) ..... 29
2 Conceptualising Colour Representation in Antiquity: From Kmt, The Greco-Roman World to The Middle Ages (Amon Saba SAAKANA) ..... 45
3 North Africa and the Origins of Epistemic Blackness (Jesse BENJAMIN) ..... 61
4 What's in a Name? Complications of Blackness and Afrodescendant Definitions in Latin America and the Spanish-Speaking Caribbean (Augustín LAÓ-MONTES) ..... 77
5 Becoming Black: Brazil's Long Search for Racial Identity (Elaine ROCHA) ..... 101
6 The Indian Ocean as Diasporic Field (Françoise VERGES) ..... 123
7 African Diaspora in South Asia: A Theoretical Perspective (Shihan DE SILVA JAYASURIYA) ..... 133
8 Blacks/Africans in China: Historical Process and Diasporic Experience (Anshan LI) ..... 143
9 Being Black in Australia (Karina SMITH, Christopher SONN and Tracey COOPER) ..... 161
Io Transnationalism, Diasporas and the African Diaspora: Some Theoretical Considerations (Harry GOULBOURNE) ..... 177
I I Economics of the Transatlantic African Diaspora (Joseph E. INIKORI) ..... 189
12 Reflections on Indigeneity and African Belonging in the Caribbean and the Americas (Shona N. JACKSON) ..... 203
13 Black Studies Epistemologies in the United States of America (Charisse BURDEN-STELLY) ..... 217
14 Transnational Feminism for Global Africa (Amina MAMA) ..... 235
15 Intellectual Genealogies of Black/Queer/Diaspora (Jafari S. ALLEN) ..... 247
14 Transnational Feminism for Global Africa (Amina MAMA) ..... 235
15 Intellectual Genealogies of Black/Queer/Diaspora (Jafari S. ALLEN) ..... 247
16 Genealogy of a Discriminatory Rhetoric in the Classical Arab-Muslim World (Salah TRABELSI) ..... 263
Section II: Mapping the African Diasporas (Coordinator, Vanicleia SILVA SANTOS)
Introduction (Vanicléia SILVA SANTOS) ..... 281
I Africans in Ancient China (900-1600 CE) (Don J. WYATT) ..... 305
2 The Afro-Indian Diaspora and the Rise of European Influence (1500-1700) (Faaeza JASDANWALLA) ..... 313
3 Iranian People of African Descent: Local Boundary and National Unity (Behnaz MIRZAI) ..... 325
4 The African Diaspora in Oceania (1700-1800) (Cassandra PYBUS) ..... 333
5 The 'Masombika' or 'Makoa' in Madagascar (Klara BOYER-ROSSOL) ..... 347
6 Mauritius, between Community Compartmentalisation and Cultural Melting Pots (Catherine SERVAN-SCHREIBER) ..... 357
7 Africans in Portugal: Integration and Africanity (Fifteenth-Nineteenth Centuries) (Isabel CASTRO HENRIQUES ) ..... 367
8 Afro-Atlantic Communities in the Atlantic World (Roquinaldo FERREIRA, Carlos da SILVA Jr) ..... 381
9 Creolization in Early Modern West Africa and African Diaspora: Lowcountry Creola' and the Making of Gullah Geechee ca. 1500-1860 (Edda L. FIELDS-BLACK) ..... 401
Io Communities of African Descent in Canada (Michele A. JOHNSON) ..... 417
I I African-Mexican Communities: Excluded from the Mexican Nation (Paulette A. RAMSAY) ..... 439
I2 African Communities in Costa Rica and Central America (Rina CÁCERES) ..... 457
I3 Blackness Across Borders: Jamaican Diasporas and New Politics of Citizenship (Deborah A. THOMAS) ..... 471
I4 Resistance of Malagasy Slaves to Enslavement (in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries) (Rafael THIÉBAUT) ..... 493
I5 Slave Revolt in Brazil (João José REIS) ..... 521
I6 Enslaved Resistance in North America (Sylviane DIOUF) ..... 533
I7 The Participation of Berber, Nubian and Sudanese Soldiers in the Muslim Conquest of the Iberian Peninsula (Eighth-Twelfth Centuries) (Salah TRABELSI) ..... 541
I7 The Participation of Berber, Nubian and Sudanese Soldiers in the Muslim Conquest of the Iberian Peninsula (Eighth-Twelfth Centuries) (Salah TRABELSI) ..... 541
I8 Haiti and Global Africa (Matthew J. SMITH) ..... 555
19 Maroonism and Resistance in the Afro-Columban Pacific (Rafael Antonio DÍAZ DÍAZ) ..... 567
20 African Brazil: Geographies, Cartographies and Invisibilities (Rafael SANZIO ARAÚJO DOS ANJOS) ..... 579
21 Comparative Perspectives of Abolition of Slavery in the Americas and Africa (Ana Lucia ARAÚJO) ..... 595
22 Muslims' Resistance in the Americas (Sylviane DIOUF) ..... 609
23 Lady of the Rosary, Mameto Kalunga: Black Brotherhoods and Devotions in the Luso-African Atlantic (Lucilene REGINALDO) ..... 617
24 African Nations in Afro-Brazilian Religions (Luis Nicolau PARÉS) ..... 633
25 The Invisible Linguistic Ties Between Africa and the Other Side (Alain ANSELIN) ..... 645
26 The Presence of African Languages in Latin America (Margarida PETTER) ..... 655
27 African Oral Traditions in Brazil (Sônia Maria de Melo QUEIROZ) ..... 671
28 Slavery and Gender in the Americas and Africa (Mariana P. CANDIDO) ..... 687
29 The Origins of African Foodways in the Americas (Judith A. CARNEY) ..... 703
30 Technologies, Inheritances and Redefinitions in the Experience of the African Diaspora: Ceramics, Metallurgy and Quilombos (Luís Cláudio Pereira SYMANSKI, Flávio dos Santos GOMES) ..... 723
31 Africans in the Diaspora and the Experience of Navigation (Jaime RODRIGUES) ..... 749
32 Returnee Africans of the Indian Ocean: The Bombay Africans (Clifford PEREIRA) ..... 765
33 African Diaspora, Sierra Leone and Protestant Christianity, circa 1780-1860 (Suzanne SCHWARZ) ..... 777
34 The Krios People of Sierra Leone: A Rooted Errance (Sylvie KANDÉ) ..... 789
35 Agudás - the 'Brazilians' of Benin (Milton GURAN) ..... 801
36 Back to Africa: The Return of Slaves Freed in Brazil (Mônica LIMA E SOUZA) ..... 815
Section III: Life Stories and Freedom Narratives of Global Africa (Coordinator, Paul E. LOVEJOY) | CONTENTS | [
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[CONTENTS]
36 Back to Africa: The Return of Slaves Freed in Brazil (Mônica LIMA E SOUZA) ..... 815
Section III: Life Stories and Freedom Narratives of Global Africa (Coordinator, Paul E. LOVEJOY)
Introduction: Life Stories and Freedom Narratives of Global Africa (Paul E. LOVEJOY) ..... 829
I Children in the Indian Ocean (Edward A. ALPERS) ..... 841
2 Juan Correa, a Baroque Painter of African Descent from New-Spanish Mexico (María Elisa VELÁZQUEZ) ..... 849
3 Biographies of Africans in Diaspora: Individual Trajectories and Collective Identities (Nielson ROSA BEZERRA) ..... 855
4 Joseph Bologne De Saint-Georges (1745-1799) (Margaret CROSBY-ARNOLD) ..... 867
5 Notices for Fugitive Slaves in the Atlantic World: Life Stories and 'Little[s] Pace[s] of Narrative' (Jean-Pierre LE GLAUNEC). ..... 885
6 'I am not a Slave': Liberated Africans and their Usage of the Judicial System in Nineteenth Century Rio de Janeiro (Daniela Carvalho CAVALHEIRO) ..... 903
7 Biography, History, and Diaspora: The Bight of Benin and Bahia (Kristin MANN, Lisa Earl CASTILLO) ..... 913
8 Dona Ana Joaquina dos Santos Silva: A Woman Merchant of Nineteenth Century Luanda (Vanessa S. OLIVEIRA) ..... 925
9 Testimonies of Slavery \& Freedom: The North American Slave Narratives (Mary Niall MITCHELL) ..... 937
Io Osifekunde of Ijebu (Yorubaland) (Olatunji OJO) ..... 945
I I Nadir Agha: The Life of a Black Eunuch, A Journey from Abyssinia to the Ottoman Palace (c. 1870 to 1957) (Özgül ÖZDEMIR) ..... 971
I2 Nicholas Said of Borno: American Civil War Veteran (Mohammed Bashir SALAU) ..... 981
I3 From Slavery to Freedom: The Interesting Narrative of Gustavus Vassa, the African (aka Olaudah Equiano) (Chika UNIGWE) ..... 991
I4 Fragments of the Life History of Fuseng-Be: A Temne Woman Sold in Freetown, Sierra Leone in the Early Nineteenth Century (Suzanne SCHWARZ) ..... 999
15 From Captives to Heroes: Liberated Africans in Calabar, 1850-1920 (David Lishilinimle IMBUA) ..... 1009
16 The Whitney Plantation (Habitation Haydel) of the German Coast of Louisiana (1750)-1860) (Ibrahima SECK) ..... 1019
16 The Whitney Plantation (Habitation Haydel) of the German Coast of Louisiana (1750)-1860) (Ibrahima SECK) ..... 1019
17 Catherine Mulgrave-Zimmermann (Maureen WARNER-LEWIS) ..... 1037
18 The Slavery and Freedom Narrative of Mahommah Gardo Baquaqua in the Nineteenth-Century Atlantic World (Bruno Rafael VÉRAS) ..... 1049
List of Members of the International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of New Volumes IX, X and XI of the General History of Africa (GHA) ..... 1065
Biographies of Authors ..... 1067 | CONTENTS | [
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[LIST OF FIGURES]
LIST OF FIGURES
Section I
Chapter 8
Figure 1 Liu Guangdao's painting Yuan Shizu Hunting (1280 CE) ..... 145
Figure 2 Black Pottery figure in Madame Pei's Tomb (850 CE) found in 1954 in Xi-an ..... 146
Figure 3 Young African students in China photographed with the author (Dr Imen Belhadj from Tunisia and Dr Antoine Lokongo from the Democratic Republic of the Congo) ..... 151
Chapter 10
Figure 1 The transnational continuum/apex ..... 179
Figure 2 Possible destinations of migrant communities ..... 180
Figure 3 A depiction of the Atlantic African diaspora ..... 183
Section II
Chapter 2
Figure 1 View of the fortress ..... 317
Chapter 9
Figure 1 Map of the 'Lowcountry' ..... 402
Figure 2 Areas of origins of enslaved Africans from the 'Lowcountry' ..... 406
Chapter 14
Figure 1 Map of Indian Ocean ..... 495
Figure 2 Decade-by-decade breakdown of revolts on slave ships ..... 499
Figure 3 Geographical breakdown of revolts during slaving expeditions to Madagascar ..... 501
Figure 4 Maroons killed or captured by black people acting for the constabulary or private individuals between mid-November 1759 and September 1762 in Bourbon ..... 507
Figure 5 Maroons captured on Île de France. ..... 508
Figure 6 Enslaved people reported as deserters and captured in the Cape Colony between January 1807 and June 1809 ..... 508
Chapter 19
Figure 1 Mapa Costa Pacífica Colombiana ..... 570
Chapter 20
Figure 1 The African Brazil. ..... 581
Figure 2 Aspects of space typology and distribution of homes from ancient Maroons in Colonial Brazil ..... 582
Figure 3 Examples of the stoves and wood ovens used by the ancient Maroons of Colonial Brazil ..... 583
Figure 4 Landscape of the guard and surveillance system of the ancient Maroons of Colonial Brazil ..... 583
Figure 5 African Brazil. Africa-Brazil diaspora and displacements within Brazilian territory (Fifteenth to Nineteenth centuries) ..... 585
Figure 6 Anonymous, Mr Chico, his wife Viscência, his mother and his son Fernando. Salvador, Bahia, 1930s ..... 586
Figure 6 Anonymous, Mr Chico, his wife Viscência, his mother and his son Fernando. Salvador, Bahia, 1930s ..... 586
Figure 7 African Brazil. Monitoring graphic of Black and Mulatto population growth by IBGE. Brazil (1940-2010) ..... 587
Figure 8 Kalunga territory - Ema community - Teresina de Goiás, GO ..... 589
Figure 9 Family in Kalunga territory (Cavalcante, GO, 2011) ..... 589
Figure 10 African Brazil (Twentieth and Twenty-first centuries) ..... 591
Chapter 25
Figure 1 Public announcements of runaways in Santo Domingo: Who ran away? Two African and two Caribbean runaways (1767); One female African and one female Caribbean (1789); One Mandingo (metal-worker) (1789); One quarteron (carpet-maker) (1789); A female Senegalese (1789); Three Congos jumping from the boat (1789); Two Congo girls (1789) ..... 648
Figure 2 Announcements from Santo Domingo, 1789, with mention of languages ignored (French) or spoken (French, Creole, English, Spanish, Gascon) by the Maroons ..... 649
Chapter 29
Figure 1 Seeds and pericarps in their natural size and colour, 1811 ..... 710
Figure 2 Fort Dixcove, Gold Coast, 1727 ..... 712
Figure 3 Slave Houses, Brazil, 1830s ..... 716
Figure 4 View from a sugar plantation, French Antilles, 1762 ..... 717
Chapter 30
Figure 1 Map of Brazil indicating the states mentioned in the text ..... 729
Chapter 32
Figure 1 The History of Bombay Africans ..... 766
Chapter 35
Figure 1 Celebration of Festa do Nosso Senhor do Bonfin (the festival of Our Lord of Bonfim) in Porto Novo, 2010 ..... 802
Section III
Chapter 16
Figure 1 The master's house of Haydel plantation ..... 1029
Figure 2 Victor Haydel around 1920 ..... 1032
Figure 3 The Morial family, The Morial Family after Ernest 'Dutch' Morial was elected mayor of New Orleans (1978). From left to right : Jacques, Ernest 'Dutch' Morial, Monique, Marc, Sybil Hayden Morial, Julie, Chery. ..... 1033
Chapter 18
Figure 1 Itinerary and portrait of Mahommah Gardo Baquaqua ..... 1052
Figure 2 Recently freed enslaved men in Rio Grande do Sul ..... 1057
Figure 3 New York Central College, 1848 ..... 1059 | LIST OF FIGURES | [
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[LIST OF TABLES AND GRAPHICS]
LIST OF TABLES AND GRAPHICS
Section I
Chapter 11
Table 1 Share of export commodities produced by Africans in the Americas, 1501-1850 ..... 192
Section II
Chapter 2
Table 1 Sidi Thanedars and rulers of Janjira 1508-1948 ..... 316
Chapter 9
Table 1 Scale of intensity of New World Africanisms ..... 404
Chapter 29
Table 1 African plants at the beginning of the planting period ..... 709
Chapter 31
Table 1 Origin of African crew on Portuguese-Brazilian merchant ships (1767-1850) ..... 753
Section III
Chapter 16
Table 1 African nations and Afro-Indians registered at Habitation Haydel (1819-1860) ..... 1025 | LIST OF TABLES AND GRAPHICS | [
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[FOREWORD]
FOREWORD
by Audrey Azoulay, Director-General of UNESCO
In the first volume of the General History of Africa (GHA), published in 1981, historian Joseph Ki-Zerbo of Burkina Faso wrote: "Unless one chooses to live in a state of unconsciousness and alienation, one cannot live without memory, or with a memory that belongs to someone else".
The General History of Africa is a pioneering publication project which UNESCO has been carrying out for over half a century. Mr Ki-Zerbo's words shed light on the GHA's aim: to constitute a history of the continent in which African perspectives have pride of place, and to enable, thereby, Africans and people of African descent to reclaim their history.
Written by the continent's greatest historians (including Djibril Tamsir Niane, Cheikh Anta Diop, Théophile Obenga, Ali Mazrui and Gamal Mokhtar), the first eight volumes of the General History of Africa provide a comprehensive account of the history of Africa and Africans - from prehistory to the present day - which is freed from the hegemonic views imposed by colonialism and slavery.
I am delighted that this unique intellectual enterprise continues today with the publication of Volume X. At a time when UNESCO has made Africa its strategic priority and the International Decade for People of African Descent (2015-2024) is drawing to a close, the GHA's grounding in openness, pluralism and emancipation has a particularly powerful resonance.
This resonance is all the more powerful where, as in Volume X, the history of Africa is linked to that of its diasporas. As a result of this major historiographical renewal, which rejects the long-outdated dichotomy according to which the history of Africans is separate from that of people of African descent, Volume X revisits the place and role of Africa in world history.
Africa and Its Diasporas reveals an Africa of multiple connections: an Africa which, through the circulation of individuals, of ideas and of know-how, has a continuously revitalized influence on the fields of science, art and politics.
The concept of "global Africa", which serves as the basis for the chapters written by the 75 contemporary historians who contributed to this volume, encourages the reader to reconsider the dynamics and focus of world history and geography.
Above all, it gives shape to the history of the African diasporas. It gives a voice, a biography, to its protagonists, especially the victims of the slave trade, retelling the story of their vast heritage - from pan-Africanism to the Harlem Renaissance, and from Negritude in the French Caribbean to Negrismo in Cuba. The volume's editor, Vanicléia Silva Santos, takes a fascinating look at the subject in the work's introductory chapter.
The history of the diasporas has also been marked by the role played by Afrodescendants, past and present, from Latin American countries, India and the Islamic Republic of Iran, among others, in defining and disseminating an active Africanness. This sense of identity has left an indelible mark on cultural history. Eloquent examples range from the reflections of sixteenthcentury Songhai Empire scholar Ahmad Baba al-Timbukti to the writings of nineteenth-century African-American intellectuals W. E. B. Du Bois and Frederick Douglass, among many others. It has also fuelled struggles for emancipation and independence.
Written within these pages is a global history of Africa that enriches our knowledge of the relationship of Africa and Africans with the rest of the world. The volume thus offers to both Africans and Afrodescendants, especially the younger generations, a source of pride and identity.
This volume is not just a history book; it also conveys a humanist message. At a time when our societies are facing a surge in hate speech and inequality and exclusion persist, Africa and Its Diasporas provides valuable intellectual resources to combat stigmatization, injustice and misrepresentation.
By shedding light on contemporary debates, and in particular on the consequences to date of the slave trade and enslavement of Africans, this publication can and must serve as an inspiration to inform and feed into public policies geared towards justice and the fight against racism. UNESCO
will ensure this by accompanying each of its Member States along the path to equality.
The publication of Volume X would not have been possible without the support of the members of the International Scientific Committee for the drafting of a General History of Africa, its president and vice-presidents, the volume editors, the authors, and all those who have contributed to this collective work. I would like to thank them all. My thanks also go to our donors and partners, both public and private, who have made it possible for us to pursue the noble and necessary endeavour that is the General History of Africa. | FOREWORD | [
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[GENERAL INTRODUCTION | Introduction]
Introduction
The UNESCO General History of Africa (GHA) project consists of a three-stage process. The first stage, 'the General History of Africa' stricto-sensu, was launched in the early 1960s, the second, 'the Pedagogical Use of the General History of Africa', in 2009, and the third and last, 'Volume IX of the General History of Africa', in 2013.
The Volume IX of the GHA project was initially shaped at the Expert Meeting held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, under the auspices of the African Union, from 20 to 22 May 2013. Some 50 experts from different parts of world were invited to share ideas and make recommendations on the best ways to proceed. The initiative was spearheaded and initially funded by the Federal Government of Brazil. The International Scientific Committee for the Preparation and Publication of Volume IX of the General History of Africa, composed of 16 members appointed by the UNESCO Director-General, met later in the year in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, to craft the project agenda and set it in motion. From 2013 to 2017, the Committee met successively in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil (November 2013), Paris, France (June 2014), São Carlos, Brazil (October 2015), Luanda, Angola (February 2016), Havana, Cuba (January 2017) and finally, in Xiamen, China (December 2017). The Committee crafted the initial structure of Volume IX in three tomes, organized the editorial teams
and selected some 250-300 authors worldwide. During the last meeting in Xiamen, it was decided to produce three volumes (IX, X and XI) instead of one Volume IX comprising three tomes. When the last stage of the process is complete, the GHA will be an impressive eleven-volume series. | GENERAL INTRODUCTION | Introduction | [
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[The launch of the General History of Africa]
The launch of the General History of Africa
The middle of the twentieth century was the crest of a wave of independence of African countries. The legacy of World War II, which pitted the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Warsaw Pact military alliances against each other, was the key variable of international geopolitics. The Cold War, spreading its frozen wings over all international affairs, was at its peak. The raw ideological and geopolitical tensions manifested themselves on all continents. In Africa, Patrice Emery Lumumba, the Prime Minister of the newly independent State of Congo-Leopoldville, was deposed and assassinated on 17 January 1961. In Europe, the construction of the Berlin Wall, a palpable symbol of the Iron Curtain, started on 13 August 1961. In the Americas, the Cuban Missile Crisis, which lasted from 16 to 28 October 1962, brought the world to the brink of a nuclear conflagration. And finally, in Asia, following the implementation of the 'containment' doctrine, the United States Air Force attacked North Vietnam in 1964, triggering a sustained escalation in a war that lasted up until 1975.
The World War II alliance to defeat fascism and German-Japanese militarism was shattered in the immediate post-war years. The Chinese Communist Party and the People's Liberation Army defeated the Kuomintang and the Chinese Nationalist Party, and proclaimed the People's Republic of China on 1 October 1949. The Berlin Blockade, implemented from 24 June 1948 to 12 May 1949, signalled the onset of a new era of ideological rivalry, political confrontations and an arms race. Newly independent countries, pressured to choose sides, were faced with difficult and unpalatable choices. They attempted to create a space between the antagonistic blocks with the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement during the decade 1950-1960. The Bandung Conference, which took place from 18-24 April 1955 in Indonesia, was an epoch-marking event. It brought together Asian and African leaders and called for a rapid end to colonial domination. The movement toward independence of former colonies - predominantly in Africa - kicked off and the outcome was inevitable. The General History of Africa (GHA) project was born in that tense context. The
move was motivated by the strong will of newly independent African countries to take their destiny into their own hands, improve their present, shape their future and reflect on their history from their own perspective.
The history curriculum taught in colonized Africa was inadequate in many aspects. Schoolchildren in French colonies were taught to sing 'Our Ancestors the Gauls'. The European self-assigned 'civilizing mission' was predicated on the erasure of African historical agency. A new approach to Africa's past was an absolute necessity. The process of writing the GHA was consequently launched by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 1964. Its main goal was to write the history of Africa from an African perspective. The monumental task undertaken then took some 20 years, at the end of which, in the early 1980s, the first volumes were produced. Eight volumes, numbered I-VIII, initially in French, English and Arabic, and translated later into 10 other languages, were published between 1981 and 1999. Some 350 historians and scientists, two thirds of them Africans, were involved. Their work was coordinated by the International Scientific Committee for the drafting of a General History of Africa, comprising 39 experts. They had to challenge the colonial library and rebuild an African historiography free of colonialist imprints and stereotypes. The history of Africa was not confined to enslavement, poverty, famines and civil unrest. The rich and diverse tapestry of Africa's past had to be rendered as thoroughly and precisely as possible through sound and rigorous scholarship. The GHA project pioneered an alternative way of writing history (Schmidt and Patterson, 1993). It brought to the fore marginalized and silenced people's voices and promoted a 'de-nationalized' historical narrative, featuring hidden space and time connections between different countries and regions of the world.
Starting with the GHA, UNESCO launched a series of general and regional histories, including the History of Humanity, a History of the Civilizations of Central Asia, a General History of Latin America, a General History of the Caribbean, and the Different Aspects of Islamic Culture. The process was triggered by the liberation of different parts of the world from colonial rule. It showcased new knowledge allowing for the build-up of a new universalism, a universalism that takes into consideration different historical legacies and worldviews. The pluralist and multidisciplinary approaches relied on for the writing of these histories shifted the narrative from the chronicles of kings, princes and dominant elites to the histories of political, social and cultural transformations, as well as scientific and artistic developments in different geocultural areas. | The launch of the General History of Africa | [
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[The General History of Africa as an alternative]
The General History of Africa as an alternative
The GHA was crafted as an alternative to the Eurocentric views of world history. The search for an alternative to the situation of alienation, domination and dependency has been part of the activities of some individuals or organized groups as early as the nineteenth century, with activists like Marcus Garvey, intellectuals like E. W. Blyden, W. E. B. Du Bois, and more recently Cheikh Anta Diop, to name but a few towering figures. Surfing the waves of political independence of African countries in the middle of the twentieth century, UNESCO's GHA project was launched to decolonize African history. The product that emerged from that initiative ended up as an important collection of eight volumes, published between 1981 and 1999. They are arranged along a chronological sequence, with some unavoidable overlap, each volume coordinated by one or two editors. In his preface, A. M. M'Bow, then Director-General of UNESCO, summarized what was at stake in the writing of the eight-volume General History of Africa. His presentation focused on a number of key issues, including 'the denial' of history, the false assumption of a 'balkanized' continent, and the conception of Africans and Afrodescendants as 'the wretched of the Earth'. He explained the genesis of the project and its scientific ambitions, and asserted the imperative for a widespread circulation and the need for pedagogical use of the published works.
Centuries of enslavement, followed by destructive conquest and colonial domination have generated peculiar conceptions of Africans, their past and their position in the world, as well as their future. Despite important contributions of a small number of scholars - Leo Frobenius, Maurice Delafosse and Arturo Labriola - mentioned in his text, M'Bow points to a common theme that emerged during the nineteenth century and spread during the colonial period. According to that theme, derived from the Hegelian conception of world history, African communities were societies unlikely to have a history. The core of the issue was that of the nature of the sources needed to write history. The lack of written sources in most ancient African societies was erroneously equated with the absence of history. Oral sources were paradoxically disparaged. Most of African history was still written from an outsider's perspective, based on external sources and relying on a European template as a model. African history was filtered through a series of preconceptions. It thus appears crucial for the historians to reshuffle their methodological tools and abandon the misleading preconceptions.
The dominant perception of Africa was that of a continent with juxtaposed subsets. North Africa, known as 'white' and sub-Saharan Africa, known as 'black' were thought to have lived separately on account of an insurmountable obstacle, namely the Saharan desert. Ancient Egypt and Nubia were also thought to have evolved independently from the rest of the continent. Consequently, Africa was not considered to be a historical entity. While each of the regions of Africa possesses its own originality, those regions have maintained uninterrupted exchanges between each other. North Africa, for example, was a bridgehead between the Mediterranean world and sub-Saharan Africa, and as for the margins of the Sahara, they have always been fluctuating. Egypt and Nubia have an interwoven history and share many cultural characteristics with the rest of Africa.
Racial stereotypes linked to the slave trade and colonial domination have distorted the very basis of African historiography. The use of discriminatory categories, for example, establishing white superiority and the 'essentialisation du nègre' have distorted this historiography. In fact, Africa had to fight against twofold enslavement, economic and psychological. The hierarchy established among races as featured in colonial historiography served to justify colonial domination and the 'civilizing mission'. Changes that occurred after World War II, particularly the entry of African States onto the international scene, contributed to the evolution of the situation.
In this particular context, the Africans themselves felt the profound need to re-establish the historicity of their societies on solid foundations. This was one of the main stakes involved in the GHA project. The methodological innovation required gave great importance to African sources, particularly oral traditions (which require a systematic critical approach for satisfactory exploitation). | The General History of Africa as an alternative | [
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[GHA volumes I to VIII]
GHA volumes I to VIII
UNESCO's GHA includes the following eight volumes:
Volume I - Methodology and African Prehistory, edited by J. Ki-Zerbo (1981), has 28 chapters and three themes: methodology; archaeology and its techniques; and environmental change and regional sequences.
Volume II - Ancient Civilizations of Africa, edited by G. Mokhtar (1981), has 29 chapters and four themes. It deals with the evolution and emergence of the continent's early States up to 500 CE, with Egypt and Nubia having the lion's share.
Volume III - Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century, edited by M. Elfasi and I. Hrbek (1988), comprises 28 chapters and five themes. It focuses on the expansion of Islam and its consequences on peoples and cultures of the African continent.
Volume IV - Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century, edited by D. T. Niane (1984), partly overlaps chronologically with the previous volume. It comprises 27 chapters and four themes, dealing with the diversity of Africa's political, social and economic organizations as well as the 'Africanization' of Islam.
Volume V - Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, edited by B. A. Ogot (1992), focuses on Ottoman expansion in North Africa, the development of the Atlantic slave trade, and their consequences on African societies. It has 29 chapters organized into thematic subsets: global processes on the one hand, and regional and local syntheses on the other hand.
Volume VI - Africa in the Nineteenth Century until the 1880s, edited by J. F. Ade Ajayi (1989), consists of 29 chapters and four themes, dealing with European settlements in northern and southern Africa, the formation of new States, Islam revivalist movements in West Africa, and the general state of the continent on the eve of European colonization.
Volume VII - Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-1935, edited by A. Adu Boahen (1985), has 30 chapters on the comparative analysis of European colonial systems and the multifaceted response of African societies, including the emergence and development of nationalist movements.
Volume VIII - Africa since 1935, edited by Ali A. Mazrui and C. Wondji (1999), has 30 chapters and seven themes. It explores the effects of major world crises and their impacts on the emergence and development of African nationalisms, pan-Africanism, the struggle for liberation and the place of independent African countries on the world scene.
Unfortunately, the impressive achievement of the GHA project was not widely disseminated in African bookstores, libraries or research institutions. Its impact on history curricula was virtually non-existent in most, if not all, African countries. A new initiative was necessary. The opportunity for launching that new initiative was found on 9 September 1999, with the Sirte Declaration, the founding act of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which changed its name to the African Union (AU) in 2002. | GHA volumes I to VIII | [
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[The pedagogical use of the General History of Africa]
The pedagogical use of the General History of Africa
The Pedagogical Use of the General History of Africa project is but the second phase of the GHA long-term objectives. It is geared to shift the momentum back into the hands of Africans and people of African descent. Building on the political dynamics triggered by the Sirte Declaration and the establishment of the Organization of African Unity on 9 September 1999 in Sirte, Libya, the Libyan Government provided funds for an ambitious project geared to support the movement toward the integration and construction of a united continent. Following a request from the African Union, UNESCO launched the Pedagogical Use of the General History of Africa project, first through an extensive review of the published volumes and an international meeting in Tripoli from 10-17 June 2010. Once the programme was launched, expert meetings were organized successively in Harare, Zimbabwe, in Accra, Ghana, and in Khartoum, Sudan. The foundational idea was to generate a common frame of mind, and shape a manifest destiny based on a common history and shared future that would further the construction of a peaceful, united and prosperous continent.
The dense and rich material assembled in the eight volumes of the GHA had to be analysed and included in the history curriculum of all the continent's school systems, from elementary schools to higher education institutions. Africans and Afrodescendants have to learn a history written from their own perspective, away from narrow national histories inherited from the colonial library. Despite significant transformations and sustained curricula changes in almost all African countries, the legacy of the colonial period is still present and resilient. The use of African languages at all levels of the education institutions will be critical for the future success of this project. The destruction in Libya left the project without funding. Alternative funding sources are being explored, with the project moving forward, but at a slower pace. | The pedagogical use of the General History of Africa | [
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[The pedagogical use of the General History of Africa | The post-colonial imperative and new epistemology]
The post-colonial imperative and new epistemology
Some 60 years after the wave of independence of African countries, it was possible to pause and think. The Bretton Woods institutions - the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and, more recently, the World Trade Organization - set the rules and imposed liberal capitalism as the economic norm. After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the ensuing collapse of
the Soviet empire, some authors wrote about the 'end of history' (Fukuyama, 1989, 1992) and 'clash of civilizations' (Huntington, 1993, 1996). By way of an introduction to his 1992 book, Fukuyama wrote:
'In it, I argued that a remarkable consensus concerning the legitimacy of liberal democracy as a system of government had emerged throughout the world over the past few years, as it conquered rival ideologies like hereditary monarchy, fascism, and most recently communism. More than that, however, I argued that liberal democracy may constitute the "end point of mankind's ideological evolution" and the "final form of human government," and as such constituted the "end of history" (https://www. marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/us/fukuyama.htm).
Imposed structural adjustments, deregulation, privatization and laissez-faire have proven to be double-edged swords. The consequences were disastrous for most, if not all, African countries. What is the place of former colonies, caught in the neo-colonial net of their former colonizers - the CFA franc being an emblematic case of neo-colonial domination - in such an international system?
Without having to cut ties with former colonial powers, it is time to explore new spaces and times as well as distant and present connections with South America and Asia. Despite its current political crisis, Brazil, with the largest population of people of African descent outside Africa, will be a crucial partner in the years to come. In most American and Caribbean countries, people of African descent are fighting for their human and civil rights. The history of the African diaspora in the Indian Ocean, Asia and the South Pacific has to complement and dilute the dominant focus on the Atlantic world. China, already the first economic partner of Africa and the second largest economy in the world, has had multi-secular relationships with Africa (Li Anshan, 2005). | The pedagogical use of the General History of Africa | The post-colonial imperative and new epistemology | [
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[Past Chinese presence in Africa]
Past Chinese presence in Africa
It is not known precisely when Chinese goods reached Africa for the first time. Archaeological research provides a number of clues. An Austrian expedition excavating in Thebes, at Deir el-Madina, found the remains of silk in the hair of a 30-50 year-old female mummy discovered in the burial ground of the kings' workers. The burial is dated to the Hyksos period, belonging to the Twenty-First Dynasty, i.e. 1075-945 BCE (Li Anshan, 2005; Lubec et al., 1993). The silk industry certainly originated in China, where archaeologists have found textiles in a mysterious tomb dating back nearly 2,500 years in eastern Jiangxi Province, the oldest to be discovered in China's history. The silk industry,
trade and consequently the Silk Road, are thus much older than thought, and probably reached Egypt through Persia. Trade and cultural exchange between China and Egypt were well established during the Han dynasty (206 BCE 220 CE) (Sun Tang, 1979 in Li Anshan, 2005). According to Li Anshan (2005, p. 60), Du Huan, a Chinese soldier of the Tang dynasty (618-907 CE) and war captive in Baghdad, where he spent several years, visited Africa in the eighth century, sometime around 762. His book, Jingxingji [经行记, Record of My Travels], was lost and is now known only through quotes in other books. It is therefore not known which part of Africa he may have visited, although Egypt and Northeast Africa appear to have been the most reachable.
In the first half of the fifteenth century, the Ming dynasty decided to project Chinese naval power all over the Indian Ocean. The Yongle emperor (1403-1424) appointed Zheng He as the Chief Admiral of a large fleet the Treasure Fleet. The latter organized a total of seven expeditions, from 1405 to 1433, generally known as 'Zheng He's voyages' (Deng, 2005; Dreyer, 2006; Ferrand, 1919, 1922; Filesi, 1970; Levathes, 1997; Viviano, 2005). The Treasure Fleet sailed to the coast of East Africa on the fourth (1413-1415), fifth (1416-1419) and sixth (1421-1422) voyages, docking in Mogadishu, present-day Somalia, as well as Malindi and Mombasa, present-day Kenya. They exchanged Chinese goods for African ones, including live animals such as zebras and giraffes. Chinese celadon pottery of the kind produced in Longquan, found in the Limpopo valley on Mapungubwe Hill in the 1930s, is now firmly dated to the late Yuan (1279-1368) and early Ming (1368-1644) dynasties (Prinsloo et al., 2005). Such evidence is distributed over a large geographic zone in Eastern Africa, including Great Zimbabwe, the Swahili city-states, the Comoros and Madagascar (Beaujard, 2007). In addition, some of the descendants of Chinese sailors from Admiral Zheng He's fleet living on the small island of Pate were interviewed by Nicholas Kristof (1999) for The New York Times. In summary, there is scattered but significant evidence of the presence of Chinese goods and people in Africa's past. This interaction peaked in the fifteenth century and was cut short by the succeeding dynasty's imperial ban on foreign trade and naval expeditions. | Past Chinese presence in Africa | [
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[Past African presence in China]
Past African presence in China
Beyond the presence of surprising animals, such as zebras and giraffes (Chau Ju-Kua, 1911; Ferrand, 1919, 1922; Filesi, 1970; Wheatley, 1961; Talib and Samir, 1988), a number of Africans, through different indirect channels, ended up living in China as early as the first quarter of the eighth century. According to the Chronicle of the Tang Dynasty, in 724, the King of Srinijaya, from Palembang, Sumatra, offered a Zanj [black] girl, among other things, as tribute to the Emperor (Talib and Samir, 1988, p. 732; Ferrand, 1922). This practice was repeated several times during the following centuries, in 813,818 and 976 . In 813 and 818, the rulers from Kalinga, an Indonesian kingdom, offered several Zanj boys and girls in three successive missions to the Tang Emperor HsienTsung. In 976, under the Sung dynasty, the Imperial court received 'a black K'un Lun slave with deep set eyes and black body' (Chau Ju-Kua, 1911) from an Arab trader (Talib and Samir, 1988, p. 732).
Although, indirectly and through Arab and Indonesian intermediaries, the slave trade reached China, mainly through the entry port and distribution hub of Guangzhou (Canton). The enslaved Africans were 'employed on shipboard to caulk leaky seams below the water-line from the outside as they were expert swimmers who do not close their eyes under water' (Chau Ju-Kua, 1911, pp. 31-2; Talib and Samir, 1988, p. 732; Wheatley, 1961, p. 55). Others were gate guards and household servants for the wealthy families in metropolitan areas. According to Chau Ju-Kua (1911, p. 32), 'many families buy black people to make gatekeepers of; they are called kui-nu, or "devil-slaves" or bei siau ssi (black slaves or servants)'. There is clearly much more research to be done in this direction, if oral histories and family archives can be collected systematically.
The great Moroccan world traveller and explorer Abu Abdullah Muhammad Ibn Abdullah al-Lawati al-Tanji Ibn Battuta - Ibn Battuta for short - visited China in the middle of the fourteenth century. He travelled all over the ancient world, covering some 120,000 kilometres in 29 years. Ibn Battuta arrived at Guangzhou (Canton) in China in 1345 (Ibn Battuta, 1982). He was particularly interested in local crafts, boat construction and porcelain making, and visited a number of places and towns. He travelled north to Hangzhou, which he described as the largest city he had ever seen. He could not reach Beijing and returned to Guangzhou in 1346 to sail to Sumatra.
It is also claimed that Admiral Zheng He's Treasure Fleet took some foreign dignitaries back to China to pay homage to the Ming emperors. It is not clear if
some Africans from the Swahili city-states of Mogadishu, Malindi or Mombasa were involved in these visits. In summary, from as early as the eighth century, Africans were present in Chinese imperial courts and in some wealthy families in southern China. | Past African presence in China | [
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[An exciting new conjuncture]
An exciting new conjuncture
A conjuncture is the convergence of independent factors that generates a new and unpredictable situation that lasts. The new and exciting conjuncture referred to here is made of four distinct developments: (1) a new institutional framework; (2) the improvement of the general economic and social outlook of Africa, despite persistent problems; (3) the expansion and acceleration of economic cooperation between Africa, Asia and South America; and (4) the development of a multipolar world. | An exciting new conjuncture | [
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] | 1 | 549 | ||
[An exciting new conjuncture | A new institutional framework]
A new institutional framework
The end of the twentieth and the beginning of the twenty-first century witnessed important changes in Africa's political map. After long wars of national liberation, the former Portuguese colonies became sovereign States in the 1970s: Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde celebrated their independence on 24 September 1973; Angola followed on 11 November 1974; and finally, Mozambique on 25 June 1975. It was the turn of Namibia and South Africa to go through profound changes in the 1990s. The former gained independence from South Africa's mandate on 21 March 1990. Nelson Mandela was freed from Robben Island jail on 11 February 1990 and was elected shortly after as the first post-apartheid South African president. Two new sovereign States entered the African political scene during the same time, after long and painful wars of liberation: Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia on 24 May 1991, and South Sudan separated from the Republic of Sudan and celebrated its independence on 9 July 2011.
The establishment of the African Union in 1999 and the initiation of the regional integration process sparked a new momentum, challenging the divisions of the continent and the identity and nation construction model inherited from the colonial period. The major changes in the areas of economic cooperation and international relations that have influenced our globalized world since the end of the 1990s have paved the way for new opportunities as well as new
challenges and threats for Africa. Indeed, the accelerated pace of urbanization, Africa's wealth in terms of natural and strategic resources and the aspirations and creativity of young people pose new challenges for the people of Africa, thus emphasizing the need to take control of their destiny.
Moreover, people of African descent in South, Central and North America, the Caribbean, the Indian Ocean, the Middle East and elsewhere are attaching increasing importance to the links that tie them to Africa and African heritage. The countries in which people of African descent reside are increasingly recognizing the important contribution of these citizens to the construction of their societies. These countries are currently establishing public policies that aim to rectify historical distortions and combat racism, racial discrimination and the inequalities of the past, including positive discrimination measures. In that spirit, the initiatives taken by the Brazilian Government - in particular the adoption of a law on the mandatory teaching of the history of Africans and of Afrodescendants at all levels of education by using the GHA - set a standard in this regard. The preparation and publication of Volume IX of the GHA is a positive response to the above-mentioned trends and the requests formulated by Member States at the African Union summit held in Syrte, Libya, in 2009. | An exciting new conjuncture | A new institutional framework | [
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[Africa's economic outlook]
Africa's economic outlook
The economic outlook of the entire continent has shifted in the right direction during the last two decades, starting from the 2010s. There are significant variations between regions and countries, but on average, the situation has improved. Globally, major European weekly magazines, such as Le Point in France and The Economist in the United Kingdom, have praised Africa's economic performances. It is a far cry from the description of Africa as 'the hopeless continent', in the thundering headline of The Economist in 2000. The economic growth rate has been sustained for the last few years, averaging 5\% per year, with double-digit rates in countries like Ethiopia and Ghana. The European-American financial crisis did not significantly affect Africa, partly because of its loose banks. There are still major obstacles to the freeing of all the potential creative energy, but many African entrepreneurs are more optimistic and less risk-averse. According to demographic projections, there are 500 million Africans of working age and there will be 1.1 billion in 2040, more than in China or India (Le Point, 9 August 2012). The potential for greener development is also higher in Africa than anywhere else in the world. | Africa's economic outlook | [
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] | 1 | 1,279 | ||
[The expansion and acceleration of economic cooperation between Africa, Asia and South America]
The expansion and acceleration of economic cooperation between Africa, Asia and South America
The multilateral cooperation between African countries and Asian and South American partners is on the increase. Most Asian economic powerhouses, whether large, like China, India and Japan, or smaller, like South Korea, are launching cooperation programmes with African countries in a broad range of domains. A new cooperation alliance, BRIC - including Brazil, Russia, India and China - working for an alternative to the Bretton Woods institutions (the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization) was formed in 2009. South Africa joined the alliance later, which changed its acronym to BRICS - Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. BRICS financial institutions are being created and they are expected to affect international cooperation and financial systems in the years to come. Despite its current political crisis, Brazil, with the largest Afrodescendent population out of Africa, is positioned to play an important role in the cooperation with African countries. | The expansion and acceleration of economic cooperation between Africa, Asia and South America | [
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[The expansion and acceleration of economic cooperation between Africa, Asia and South America | The development of a multipolar world]
The development of a multipolar world
The collapse of the Soviet empire, symbolized by the fall of the Berlin Wall on 9 November 1989, took all political commentators by surprise. Starting with glasnost, the attempted reform movement launched by President Mikhail Gorbachev, the Soviet empire unravelled within a few months (Sebestyen, 2010). The world was left with a single dominant imperial power that tried to impose its political views on the rest of the planet. Building on the collapse of the Soviet Union, viewed by some as the triumph over the 'evil empire' (Fukuyama, 1989, 1992; Huntington, 1993, 1996; Sebestyen, 2010), a power group of ideologues termed 'neoconservatives' took control of the foreign policy of the United States of America and devised a new doctrine of 'pre-emptive strikes' against whoever challenged the world domination of the United States. The first Gulf War, triggered by Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, took place in 19901991. The invading army was expelled by an international coalition led by the United States of America. The neoconservatives rose to full executive power with the election of G. W. Bush and Dick Cheney, respectively as President and Vice-President of the United States, in November 2000. During the chaotic rule of President Boris Yeltsin (1991-1999), the Russian Federation was totally absent from the international stage. On 11 September 2001, the attack on the
World Trade Center in New York unleashed the implementation of the new doctrine. The war in Afghanistan started on 7 October 2001 and continues today. Under the pretext of the presence of weapons of mass destruction, the Iraq War was launched on 20 March 2003 and lasted until 18 December 2011. Vladimir Putin replaced Boris Yeltsin as President of the Russian Federation on 31 December 1999, and was elected to that post a few months later in 2000. He initiated a series of reforms of Russian governing institutions and launched a ferocious war in Chechnya. A few years later, he restored the pride of the average Russian citizen and brought Russian diplomacy and military back on the world scene. The rise of China as the world's second economic powerhouse and its military build-up led to the emergence of a new multipolar world. | The expansion and acceleration of economic cooperation between Africa, Asia and South America | The development of a multipolar world | [
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[The new General History of Africa: an exponential growth]
The new General History of Africa: an exponential growth
The Volume IX of the General History of Africa project is the third phase, launched in 2013, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The impetus came from Brazil. The Brazilian parliament passed a law on the mandatory teaching of the history of Africans and of Afrodescendants at all levels of public education in the country. The Brazilian Government offered funding for an additional volume in the GHA series, a volume that would feature the history of African diasporas worldwide. The new project, anchored on the key concept of 'Global Africa', encourages literary and artistic approaches to gain better insight into certain aspects of the experiences of Africans and people of African descent. It advocates the use of concepts or notions in African languages, allowing people to think in African terms, realizes comparative studies in relation to South America and Asia, and offers a balanced and positive history of Africa and its diasporas.
The contributors were asked to think about writing history differently and to invent another way of portraying history. They were particularly encouraged to take into account the literary and artistic productions concerning historic African experiences as essential materials in the writing of the endogenous history of Africa and Africans. The contexts and their specific implementation of the concept of race would be central to understanding how Africans and people of African descent refer to themselves. It would also involve critical observation of the dynamics of the relationship between Africa and its diasporas, African 'globality', movements back and forth and the ways in which Africa could connect to the rest of the world. | The new General History of Africa: an exponential growth | [
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[An epistemic shift: Global Africa]
An epistemic shift: Global Africa
This project implies writing a serene history of Africans and people of African descent on a global scale. That is what is subsumed under the concept of 'Global Africa'; in other words, taking into account the many dimensions of Africanness worldwide, from the initial expansion of humans from the African continent to the successive diasporas over time, right up to the present day (Harris, 1993; Hodgson and Byfield, 2017). The concept allows us to overcome the customary dichotomies and divisions between Africa and the African diasporas, enabling a balanced understanding of the African diasporas, in the long term and in their diversity. It equally allows us to reassess approaches to the period of enslavement, to study the relationship between pan-Africanism and the diasporas, and the enhancement of pan-Africanist thinking nurtured by contributions from different diasporic experiences. In other words, it allows us to address actively and transversally the different issues linking Africa and its diasporas. | An epistemic shift: Global Africa | [
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[An epistemic shift: Global Africa | The decolonization of concepts]
The decolonization of concepts
The decolonization of the concepts, paradigms and categorizations used in social and human sciences, particularly in history, is regarded as an epistemological necessity throughout the scientific and intellectual communities in the former colonies and beyond (Mudimbe, 1988; Said, 1979) and as yet another component of the cultural and political emancipation of peoples who, not without difficulty, have thrown off the yoke of European colonization (Mignolo, 2011). Thanks to post-colonial studies, researchers in Latin America, Asia and Africa now select topics on the structural, protean remnants of colonial relations in the post-colonial era - a sort of 'coloniality' - that perpetuates age-old images and epistemological racism, disparaging non-Western cultural output. This inextinguishably burning issue somewhat informs the endogenous African approach taken in writing the General History of Africa. The approach to the decolonization of knowledge on Africa, providing an opportunity to write an innovative history from within and with a different outlook on the world, makes a crucial contribution to what the poet and thinker Aimé Césaire called the 'meeting place for giving and taking', a rearranged universal, a 'pluriversal', illustrating the great variety of human nature.
The current project, initially known as Volume IX of the General History of Africa, is consequently different from all the previous ones. It now comprises
three volumes - IX, X and XI - each with an editorial team consisting of section coordinators, co-editors and editors, with three main goals: (1) to update the General History of Africa and theories on human origins and the earliest human civilizations; (2) to explore and flesh out the formation process of 'Global Africa' and its consolidation in the rest of the world through its diasporas; and (3) to look at the opportunities and new challenges of 'Global Africa' in the contemporary world. | An epistemic shift: Global Africa | The decolonization of concepts | [
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[The General History of Africa Revisited]
The General History of Africa Revisited
Volume IX, The General History of Africa Revisited, essentially aims to update the GHA. After four decades of intensive archaeological, historical and anthropological research, most of the content of the first three GHA volumes is partially or totally outdated. This updating is particularly challenging partly because of tightly limited space. It is divided into four sections, each under the editorial responsibility of coordinators.
Section 1, coordinated by Olabiyi B. Joseph Yaï and Martial Ze Belinga and entitled 'Writing History of Africans and their Diasporas Today' explores the epistemological and theoretical conditions for the production of historical narratives in the contemporary world. The concept of 'historical sources' is 'stretchable' ad infinitum. Objects, monuments, words, songs, poems and artefacts are historical sources depending on the purpose of the investigations being conducted. The assembled contributions interrogate the meaning and contribution to historical scholarship of such concepts as 'Africa', 'history' and 'oral traditions'. What is the translation of the word 'history' in African languages, in ancient Egyptian or in Yoruba? The authors discuss and explore the intricacies of long-term versus short-term histories, the possible contribution of native African writing systems, and the use and misuse of oral traditions in the chronicle of historical experiences of Africans and Afrodescendants.
Section 2, 'Review of the General History of Africa: Volumes I-VIII', is coordinated by Doulaye Konaté. It comprises the reviews of the contents of GHA volumes I to VIII, published between 1981 and 1999, in order to determine what needs to be updated.
Section 3, entitled 'The Initial History of Africa: An Update', is coordinated by Augustin F. C. Holl. The new formulation is a substitute for the term 'prehistory' that tends to be misread by an increasing number of people. Human history is a continuum from its remote hominid beginnings to the present.
Periodization is a necessity but it does not have to be constructed on a 'before' - prehistory - and a standard, genuine 'after' - history - viewed as a civilization threshold. The scheme suggested in this section is made of successive stages, as follows: initial, ancient, modern and contemporary history.
The update of the initial history of the continent is carried out in seven topical entries, each with two to four contributions. The first, 'general topics', deals with paleoenvironmental and paleoclimatological research, paleogenomics and African language classifications. Paleoanthropological research has completely changed our understanding of human origins and evolution. The speciation events and radiation episodes that resulted in the emergence of (1) the Ardipithecines - Sabelanthropus tchadensis, Orrorin tugenensis, Ardipithecus ramidus and Ardipithecus kadabba - dated to 7-4.5 million years ago, (2) the Australopithecines dated to 4.5-1.7 million years ago, (3) Homo dated to 2.5 million years ago and finally, (4) Homo sapiens sapiens dated to around 300,000 years ago, all took place in Africa. Three contributions under the second topic feature the oldest 7 million-year-old hominid from the Djurab desert in the Republic of Chad, an informed discussion on hominid subsistence and lifeways, and the presentation of the earliest stone tool complexes. Pleistocene hunting and gathering communities are dealt with under the third topic, in two chapters; and the emergence and expansion of food production is covered under the fourth topic, in three chapters. New directions in Egyptology are featured under the fifth topic, in four chapters. The discussions are evidence-based and serene, staying away from entrenched orthodoxies. Technological inventions and innovations are dealt with under the sixth topic, in two chapters, one on pottery and the other on metallurgies. Finally, the seventh topic explores the emergence of social complexity, in four chapters.
Section 4, coordinated by Doulaye Konaté and entitled 'Ancient and Modern History of Africa: An Update', features 12 contributions organized under four themes: (1) regional processes in the inland Niger delta, the Maghreb and Madagascar; (2) histories of religious systems; (3) trade diasporas in West and East Africa and the Indian Ocean; and finally, (4) enslavement and resistances. | The General History of Africa Revisited | [
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[Africa and Its Diasporas]
Africa and Its Diasporas
Volume X, Africa and Its Diasporas, includes three sections. Section 1, coordinated by Carole Boyce-Davies and entitled 'Redefining Global Africanity and Blackness' includes 16 contributions, organized into two parts: (1) 'Race,
Location, Diaspora and Global Blackness', containing nine contributions; and (2) 'Global Africanity and the African Diaspora: New Epistemological Considerations', comprising seven chapters. The introduction by Boyce-Davies sets the stage, explores the origins of colour systematics in different settings and scholarly traditions, and traces the genealogies of the concept of 'Global Africa'.
Section 2, 'Mapping the African Diasporas', is coordinated by Vanicléia Silva Santos. The entire section deals with different aspects of the formation and resilience of African diasporas in different parts of the world. It comprises 36 contributions organized under six topics.
The first topic, geographies of the African diasporas, comprises four chapters tracing African presence in China, Australia, India and Iran. African revolutions and resistance to oppression, under the second topic, features revolts and resistances of enslaved peoples in North America, Brazil, Colombia and Madagascar. The third topic, African diasporic religions, includes six chapters ranging from Black brotherhoods in Angola, Portugal and Brazil, to Muslim resistance in North America and religious experiences of Africans in the Middle East. The fourth topic, oral genres, under the title 'Ties that bind: wisdom tales, orature and literature' are represented by three contributions on the Caribbean, Latin America and Brazil. The transfer of skills and knowledge is dealt with under the fifth topic, African diasporic knowledge and technologies, through four contributions featuring agriculture, foodways, navigation and mining. Finally, the sixth topic, the return to Africa, in three contributions, focuses on the returnees from Brazil to West Africa and India to East Africa. Cases from Liberia and Sierra Leone, not dealt with here, are relatively well-known.
Section 3, 'Life Stories and Freedom Narratives of Global Africa' is coordinated by Paul Lovejoy. It comprises 18 contributions featuring the life trajectories of enslaved individuals who were written about or who wrote autobiographies. The selected narratives range from the seventeenth to the early twentieth century, with the largest proportion dated to the nineteenth century. As can be expected in the present state of research, there are many more narratives from the Atlantic world, including the west coast of Africa, the Caribbean and the Americas. The situations in the Indian Ocean and mainland Asia, in this case during the Ottoman Empire, are featured in two contributions. The potential for new discoveries is particularly high in these parts of the African diasporas that are still underinvestigated. The narratives of 'returnees' feature the situations in nineteenth-century Sierra Leone, the Bight of Benin and Calabar. All the situations described in the narratives attest to the individual
agency, bargaining skills and resilience of those involved. They bring a direct textured human touch to past African diasporic experiences. | Africa and Its Diasporas | [
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[Global Africa Today]
Global Africa Today
The end of the twentieth and beginning of the twenty-first century witnessed the complete liberation of Africa from direct colonialism. The newly launched African Union created a sixth region for 'Africans from the diaspora'. All these developments open new opportunities and pose difficult challenges. These are the issues dealt with in Volume XI, Global Africa Today. It is a very difficult foray into the 'history of present times' or 'immediate history'. The distancing that allows for a serene writing of history is missing from the picture. Historians have to write history while being involved in it.
The volume is divided into three sections. The first explores the current trends in contemporary historical scholarship and the theoretical and epistemological conditions for writing the history of Global Africa today, the second deals with the specific situation of Africa in the contemporary world and the third and last focuses on challenges to Global Africa at the turn of the third millennium.
Section 1, 'Global Africa Today', coordinated by Catherine CoqueryVidrovitch comprises 26 chapters. The assembled contributions are organized under seven topics with two to six chapters each. The four chapters under the first topic address the new paradigms that shape historical research of contemporary Africa and its diasporas. The second topic, comprising six contributions, deals with emerging new approaches on previously neglected issues. What is the intellectual and cultural impact of the transatlantic slave trade in West African collective memories? How did gender relations shape the structures of African and diasporic societies? What does it mean to be poor? Is the current meaning, crafted by international organizations, applicable to African contexts? This is a sample of the issues addressed by the contributors to this topic. Religious factors are explored under the third topic through two chapters addressing the Africanization of Christianism through black churches, on the one hand, and the recent emergence of new religions, on the other. Issues of political renewal are discussed under the fourth topic. The contributors explore the rift between long-lasting African 'territorial-political' organization and the current 'national-territorial' State inherited from the colonial period. Some of the key questions addressed can be spelled out as follows: What is the relationship between nationality and nationalism? What does nationalism mean in African
multinationality States? What is the genesis of African contemporary chiefdoms and how do they fit in the contemporary State model? The fifth and sixth topics shift from continental Africa to a diasporic perspective. The fifth topic focuses on the concepts of 'Creolization', 'hybridization', and 'miscegenation' as they are relied upon in the Caribbean identity discourses, aesthetics and performing arts. The sixth topic consists of three contributions focusing on how Africa is viewed and conceptualized from the Caribbean. The exploration is carried out via the academic lenses and the development of African studies programmes, and the Caribbean revitalization movement. Lastly, the seventh topic explores presentday visions with a focus on blackness, race and representation, economics and African views on globalization.
Section 2, 'Africa in the Contemporary World', coordinated by Tayeb Chenntouf, comprises 29 contributions arranged in three rubrics. The first rubric features the permanence of the Global Africa project weaved through a broad range of topics, from political initiatives to the performing arts. The Global Africa project can be said to have started with the very deportation of Africans across the Atlantic Ocean. Music, technology, cuisine and religions were key elements of the survival kits of those who landed in the Americas and the Caribbean. The concept of pan-Africanism was coined and nurtured by intellectuals of the diaspora mostly in the nineteenth century. It expanded through a series of meetings in the early part of the twentieth century and became a mobilizing force in the movements for the liberation of the continent from colonial domination. The Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the African Union (AU) are, so far, the clearest political materialization of panAfricanist ideas on the continent. The second rubric focuses on the challenges of current globalization and the new world geopolitics. What can be the role of Africa in this emerging new geopolitical world characterized by increasing connectivity through the Internet and faster air transportation? Africa, with its marginal 2 % contribution to world trade, tends to witness a regression in its economic development. With very few exceptions, the continent is confined to the exportation of raw materials and unprocessed agricultural products. The influx of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) has destabilizing consequences on the operation of local governments. Political and military interference from former colonial powers and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) as well as peace-maintenance operations in Somalia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Mali preclude any pragmatic preparation of a future united, peaceful and prosperous Africa. The third rubric, exploring the role of culture and intellectuals, asks the programmatic question: 'What should be done?'.
Debates on the role of Africa in the expanding globalized world are taking shape in different cultural and intellectual contexts. With significant variations between countries, African institutions of higher education are generally underfunded and have been unable to play their rightful role as laboratories of ideas. Narrow State boundaries affect the nature and scope of the ideas explored in different forums. New positive developments are nonetheless taking place. Free movement of people and goods is now in place in West Africa. The Agreement Establishing the African Continental Free Trade Area was signed recently in Kigali, Rwanda, on 21 March 2018, by 44 heads of State and government. | Global Africa Today | [
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[Global Africa Today]
Section 3, 'Africa at the Turn of the 3rd Millennium: Challenges and Dynamics', coordinated by Faranirina V. Rajaonah, comprises 22 contributions organized into four rubrics. The first rubric focuses on demography and urbanization. It explores the implications of African population growth in terms of economics, public health through the lenses of epidemiology, food security and urban growth, both in average-sized towns as well as megalopolises. The second rubric deals with issues of gender and generations. The assembled contributions discuss patterns of age and generation successions in sampled countries, the integration of African college graduates in Russia, social and economic landscapes, institutionalized social promotion as well as women in education and their increased roles and visibility in public affairs, both on national and international scenes. The third rubric, on partnership, envy and integration, explores different aspects of regional integration as well as new opportunities offered by cooperation between Africa and the BRICS alliance (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). Is this really an alternative to the predatory practices of dominant multinationals and the unilateral ukases of the Bretton Woods institutions? We will have to wait and see. Envy and the rush to African lands and the ensuing 'land-grabbing' are featured, and their implications assessed, along with an African perspective on migrations and development and the emerging new African financial hubs. Finally, the fourth rubric, 'Africa in Tempo with the World', delves into worldwide cultural circulations. These circulations are manifest in the emergence of new religious practices, such as Salafism and new Christianities, as well as in the worldwide appeal of black cosmopolitan aesthetics in African popular music, African cinema, fabrics and contemporary art.
The general picture that emerges from this volume is that of Global Africans and Afrodescendent communities on the move, slowly carving their paths and shaping their futures. | Global Africa Today | [
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[Conclusion]
Conclusion
The project that has resulted in these three volumes was extraordinarily ambitious, original and inspiring. It aimed at setting a new way of writing history, taking into account current debates in social and human sciences, with epistemological ruptures and sustained reconceptualization. Competences and skills are available to move historical scholarship in new directions, in a multipolar world, rather than a closed relationship with the west. It is a fantastic challenge spelled out in the chapters of these three volumes.
Conclusion
I return to my initial words about how to build alternative knowledge regarding Africans and Afrodescendants from the knowledge produced in the diasporas: we should start with Africa and consider the multiple experiences of Africans and their capacity to adapt to new and adverse conditions. Although the place of Africa in the history of African diasporas is central to our understanding, the contributions in this volume confirm that the discussion today must go beyond the famous 'scale of intensity of Africanisms', in my paraphrase of Herskovits (1946, p. 346). African cultures were transformed by individuals and groups. Thus, the term 'Creolization' and other similar terms are applied in various chapters to identify the plasticity and competence of Africans and their descendants when it comes to transitioning between different cultural and political (often micropolitical) spaces.
Conclusion
Far from being marginal in the emergence and arc of our modern world, North Africa and its contiguous regions were central to the initial formation of modern conceptions of alterity, as well as to resistance against this emergent world system and its structures of difference and inequality. While the fixedness and relentlessly hierarchical organization of modern identity categories is axiomatic, paradoxically the fluidity within these structures remains a central axis of contestation and negotiation. Western epistemology, built on fundamentally oppositional categories such as civilization and savagery, whiteness and blackness, continues to draw from the deep well of African, Arab and Islamic alterity to construct not only its Other, but also its relational self-conception. These underlying structures explain the longevity of these categories, opportunistically used in myriad ways, always contested, and always indicative of both power and the extent of subaltern agency.
Simply inverting these tyrannical systems is insufficient, as Fanon (1961 [1966]) made plain, though such impulses spring from a very comprehensible place in the context that produces them. Western demagogues continuously, and resurgently in recent electoral cycles, return to the conception of an inherently colonial civilizational model that pits the entire Western edifice, real and/or imagined, against the rest of humanity. Powerful elements within the West are also busier than ever inventing, supporting and funding non-Western agents who share this falsely antagonistic formula and gladly play the part of the Other, the false doppelganger that helps legitimize the whole relationship and the systems of hegemonic power and thought (Mamdani, 2004). Similar dynamics are seen in the internally colonized domestic populations of Western nations. As Wynter explains, this reflects the 'Era of Man', in which some men designate themselves superior to, and therefore rulers over, other men, women, and even nature itself - over all that they literally and figuratively survey. Reconfiguring
Conclusion
The history of human beings is a history of (im)migration. From the earliest times, people have moved around for various reasons. Blacks/Africans lived in China a long time ago. They came to China in different ways, and worked as traders, labourers, animal trainers, slaves/servants, door-keepers, musicians/ acrobats, soldiers/military leaders, seamen, guards and so on. Some became nobles or high-ranking officials.
Currently, the African diaspora includes traders, students and professionals/ artists. They have not only immensely improved business between Africa and China, but also contributed a great deal to the promotion of cultural exchange. However, while some have merged into Chinese society, a gap still exists between African enclaves and local communities. How the gap can be narrowed through mutual learning remains an important issue. The African diaspora is the carrier of African culture, social organization and way of life, and can play the role of a bridge between the two cultures. Integrating into a host society does not mean giving up one's own culture. Building the link between the two cultures, facilitating the process of transformation from 'enclave' to 'bridge' remains a difficult task. It is one worth attempting, and it is workable.
Conclusion
Thus, regardless of the Western European languages communities of African descent in the Americas speak - English, French, Spanish, Portuguese or Dutch - and regardless of the cultures into which they were transplanted as of the sixteenth century, the dream of a united Africa persists. Host cultures draw upon elements of African and European cultures (as well as of South Asian and Chinese cultures, for example), including language, religion, music and so forth, to give rise to what historians describe as Creole societies. What Herskovits called African "retentions" imbue the languages in question and have spawned new forms of expression in speech, music, dance, painting, poetry, religions and forms of worship, and general perspectives. The cultures that have sprung up in the post-Columbian Americas have, therefore, been as much a contribution of enslaved Africans as one of European settlers, although formally this is still only grudgingly acknowledged. Unlike the Jewish diaspora, the African diaspora is not unified by the powerful factor of religion, a claim to a specific and highly contested physical site, such as Jerusalem/Zion, or a particular language. Indeed, even the specific territory or physical terrain in Africa to which members of the African diaspora feel committed is imprecise and highly generalized, but this is of little or no relevance. Like the scattered Jewish communities, many people of African descent in the West long for a return, and in the nineteenth | Conclusion | [
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[Conclusion]
Conclusion
This section explores the formation of Global Africa and its consolidation throughout the world by means of its diasporas. The main features of this section are its interdisciplinary approach, the scope of the collaborators involved, and the great diversity of sources used. Our biggest challenges were covering the immense movement of Africans and Afrodescendants across the world and over a long time, and identifying the events and processes in which they took part and the meanings these processes gave to their lives. Here we looked at the experiences of African people in the diaspora, focusing on their capacity to create and endure in order to highlight their contribution to the formation of the societies into which they were inserted. Although we recognize the differences between the history of African people in the diasporas and African history, we understand that it is more important to highlight where the two subjects intersect than to show what divides them.
The shortcomings that the project presents are representative of the gaps that still linger in the disciplines themselves and in studies on the diaspora and other dimensions of human experience. The history of Global Africa in Europe, the Middle East, South Asia, the Pacific and Oceania still calls for greater attention from researchers. The history of women in the African diasporas warrants special attention in future research agendas. The history of material African-diaspora culture also merits greater attention, since objects and peoples cannot be treated separately. The current debate on the restitution of African artefacts kept in European museums and other museums around the world is essential to repairing the colonial violence associated with looting; it cannot take place separately from an enhanced social history.
Conclusion
The formation of heterogeneous communities of descendants of Africans has brought social, economic, ethnic and cultural diversity to Iran. This article has shown that various factors influenced the extent of assimilation and integration of these populations. For example, where social hierarchies tended to remain fixed - such as in the more rural areas of Baluchistan - endogamous marriages were encouraged and African communities tended to remain visibly distinctive. This was not so much the case elsewhere. However, it is crucial to note that any resulting social inequalities were not based on race but on class and power. Following the political transformations of the twentieth century and globalization in recent decades, the rigidity of local social structures and rules has waned. This has led to a significant increase in exogamous marriages and fuller social assimilation. With the loss of notions of 'Africanness', more emphasis has been placed on unique cultural identities and boundaries at the local and provincial level, and the multiple ethnic facets of a single shared identity have been crystalized in Iranians of African descent.
Conclusion
The African diaspora in Portugal, which spanned several centuries, sought to integrate itself by creating forms of coexistence and participation in different spheres of Portuguese life. The many operations, resulting from Portuguese impositions and projects, were not passively accepted by Africans, limiting their reactions to the primacy of flight or violence, but, given the inevitability of the situation of domination, they developed strategies of support aimed at preserving, in a dynamic of change, their cultural roots and inventing innovative situations of Africanity. This effort allowed them an autonomous identity reconstruction, associating Portuguese cultural practices with African civilizational values, deeply dependent on their own historical singularity, creating innovative cultural forms, marking a strongly synchronistic Portuguese heritage that has remained up to now, and opening paths for the understanding of a global Africanity.
Conclusion
This chapter provides an overview of the formation of Afro-Atlantic communities across Atlantic Africa. These communities initially grew out of Africa's ability to dictate the terms of social and commercial interaction with outsiders from the outset of the European presence in Africa. They were characterized by the emergence of individuals and trading families adept in Atlantic trade whose identities reflected extensive exchanges with the outside world. These individuals' command of elements of European culture such as language, and their adroitness in African culture made them pivotal actors in the construction of the Afro-Atlantic world. Transatlantic ties with European colonies in the Americas were another key element explaining the formation of Afro-Atlantic communities. In this regard, the scale and longevity of the slave trade to Brazil set the Bight of Benin and Angola apart from other African regions affected by the slave trade.
Conclusion
The Mande and Atlantic are but one example of complex cultural processes taking place in precolonial West Africa; western Central Africa is another. Creolization is a process which historians of the Atlantic World have written about primarily in enslaved societies in the New World or in Western Africa among multi-racial societies resulting from Western Africans' interaction with European slave traders. This article discussed evidence of cultural contact in precolonial Western Africa in the context of shifting social and political hierarchies in which one incoming militarily, politically and socially powerful group subjugated and incorporated peoples, leaving both groups fundamentally changed.
Lowcountry Creoles were primarily the descendants of Africans who embarked slaving vessels in the Upper Guinea Coast and Kongo/Angola subregions in almost equal numbers. African captives disembarking in South Carolina and Georgia's coastal ports from the Kongo/Angola subregion were likely Atlantic Creoles. Whether they were captured in the interior or the coastal areas of Kongo, Angola or Mbundu, these Atlantic Creoles were likely bearers of culture influenced by centuries of warfare, political insecurity and interactions with Portuguese traders and Christianity. Captives embarking slaving vessels in the Upper Guinea Coast may have practised cultures and spoken languages which were also influenced by centuries of warfare, interaction among Atlantic, Kruan and Mande groups and political domination by the Mande. A fresh historical question is how the already creolized languages and cultures of enslaved people from two distinct Western African regions produced Lowcountry Creoles in the antebellum period and subsequently the Gullah Geechee in the mid-twentieth century. | Conclusion | [
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[Conclusion]
Conclusion
Every one of the different migrations of African and Afrodescendent populations that came to Costa Rica specifically, and to Central America generally, produced distinct symbolic codes at the cultural, social and political level. These codes were a product of their particular past, the areas the migrants settled and the moment in history. These migrants' identities, built around their diverse social roles, explain the different paths taken by each generation and how this influenced a plural and diverse national identity.
During the colonial period, Afrodescendants in Central America acquired Spanish culture and in time blended with other groups, thus giving birth to a mestizo culture. By the end of the eighteenth century, people with African ancestry could be found throughout every level of society, from a friar in an indigenous doctrina (parish) to elementary school teachers. The word Don, which legally could only be used by Spaniards, was used in practice by blacks and Afro-mestizos in important positions. Exemplifying the malleability of ethnoracial census categorizations, Afrodescendants situated in a position of economic
or political power were no longer referred to as blacks but as pardos, mulatos or mestizos. At the same time, other Afrodescendants remained enslaved, were treated violently in their everyday life, and continued to be separated from their families. As time passed, they were culturally assimilated into the dominant Spanish culture, becoming Spanish-speaking Catholics. Familiarity with the larger culture gave them the ability to fight in courts of law for better living conditions and for their liberty. They especially struggled to legalize the abolition of slavery, a law that many did not wish to respect.
Conclusion
In the Indian Ocean, resistance was widespread wherever there was slavery. The Malagasy people, aided by a common language, were able to better organize themselves in order to desert or carry out group attacks. Wherever they were taken, they participated in resistance movements, whether collective or individual. However, it was in the Dutch Cape Colony and the Mascarene Islands in particular that their presence was most keenly felt. That said, resistance movements rarely had a bigger impact than individual or collective desertions.
The myths surrounding enslaved people - often of Malagasy origin - who resisted persist to this day. In the Mascarene Islands in particular, these myths are universal, and are often associated with attempts to return to Africa or the East Indies. One such example is the legend of Maham, chief of around one hundred black deserters who lived in the Salazie uplands of La Réunion. After his death, Maham's body was interred, in accordance with African customs, in a cave that subsequently became a ceremonial tomb for the deserters. It is reported that, in the deepest recesses of the cave, an ossuary and a pyramid of shrunken heads were found (Fuma, 2002). This is a clear reflection of the imagination that these heroes inspired.
Conclusion
Enslaved females fought against their condition on a daily basis by performing their work slowly or sabotaging domestic or agricultural production. In some cases they were even responsible for the murder of their masters or for slave revolts. Other mechanisms of resistance included escape and the subsequent formation of quilombola communities in the Americas and on the African continent. Men, women and children resisted capture and enslavement on a constant basis. One such example dates to the end of the seventeenth century, when Juana governed a community known as cimarrón from Matudere in Cartagena for a total of twenty years (Landers, 2013, pp. 7-23). There is also evidence dating from the nineteenth century of women participating in revolts, such as the case of Ana Rita, who was imprisoned for suspected participation in the Malé Revolt in Bahia in 1835 (Brito, 2016, pp. 167-68; Reis, 1993, pp. 56 and 171). Despite the fact that historiography discusses the flight to freedom as a possibility only for males, recent research has shown that women did not just participate in escapes, but actually played an important role in their organization, selecting routes and forming the communities known as quilombos or palenques whether in Angola, the colony of Brazil, the Southern United States, Nova Granada or Cartagena (modern-day Colombia), or the various Caribbean countries under the Caribbean slavery regime (Heintze, 1995; Freudenthal, 1997, pp. 109-34; Ferreira, 2014, pp. 65-90; Krauthamer, 2008, pp. 100-27; Glymph, 2008, pp. 107-08; Fuentes, 2016, pp. 16-21; Krug, 2018, chap. 5).
Conclusion
Willem Piso was a seventeenth-century naturalist who, while studying plants in colonial Brazil, wrote: 'In the same way that Europeans brought to America plants and seeds that they judged beneficial, so too did the Africans' (Piso, 1957, p. 441). Hidden behind this plain assertion lies a subtle but powerful truth: during the formative plantation period in tropical America, there existed a shadow world of agriculture. This world took root within the interstices of the plantation landscape, on the small, humble plots of land where the enslaved grew their food. African seeds and rootstocks taken from slave ship leftovers gave these plots and dooryard gardens their distinctive character. Here, in what became sanctuaries of food production, Africans combined the botanical heritage of the Old and New World tropics to create new crop assemblages and reconstitute familiar foodways. In these 'Negro plantations', slaveholders and naturalists encountered the novel staples grown by the enslaved. A few, including Piso, acknowledged African agency for their introduction. Generations later, as the institution of slavery came to form an integral part of the burgeoning New World colonies, recognition of the African botanical contributions to plantation societies would all but disappear from historical commentaries.
The shadow world of African agriculture in tropical America eventually reached into plantation kitchens. Enslaved cooks quietly added new foods and culinary inventions to the dishes served at planters' tables, synthesizing new dishes and shaping the tastes of the white population. Today, these celebrated foodways are experienced by white and black people alike as regional cuisines, creolized signatures of the historical confluence of foods and peoples from three continents. Recognition of this shared food heritage - and its origins in the subsistence plots of enslaved Africans - offers new insights into African contributions to Atlantic history. | Conclusion | [
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[Conclusion]
Conclusion
The enslaved African children of diverse ethnicities forged relationships with their peers on their march to the coast, as well as on board the slavetrading dhows. These relationships were strengthened upon liberation by other liberated African crewmen, who certainly served as positive role models. But it was in India, linked by an African origin and shared experiences, that these young people developed a sense of community and a vision of being free Africans without ethnic barriers. The role of Bombay Africans as crewmen and expedition leaders is a testament to their self-empowerment, expressions of leadership and desire to remain free. The majority became Christians, including all of those who went through the Nasik and other Indian orphanages. The story of the return to Freretown of literate, skilled, adult Africans from Bombay Presidency between 1868 and 1885 is similar to that of the Sierra Leone Creoles (or Krio) of Freetown between 1787 and 1885. The relatively short period spent in India, which amounted to about two decades for the original Bombay Africans, in addition to their relatively small numbers, adoption of Kiswahili, eagerness to intermarry with other formerly enslaved people under their tutelage and rapid dispersal in Africa were all factors that aided their assimilation into mainstream colonial eastern Africa. This is what sets them apart from the Sierra Leone Creoles or the Americo-Liberians of Liberia, who remain politically, economically and culturally separate. Despite the small size of the community, their pan-African vision and influence in the social and political development
of Kenya extended beyond the Freretown and Rabai settlements in Kenya, and beyond the realms of church and education, to cover much of eastern Africa.
Conclusion
On the grounds of the Whitney Plantation, visitors are offered a unique perspective on the life of enslaved people in Louisiana through restored historic buildings, exhibits, memorials and hundreds of first-person accounts of slavery. The plantation is designed to be a place of commemoration that takes positive action and serves as a catalyst for the second American revolution and the birth of post-racial America through lasting and thoughtful reparations. Education is at the centre of the Whitney Plantation Museum and its founders are convinced that the story of slavery is not merely a story of deportation and forced labour in the tobacco and rice fields, the vineyards or the sugar and indigo mills. As well as laying the foundations of the American economy, enslaved Africans and their descendants helped shape and define American culture and identity.
Besides the academic personnel, there are other important actors contextualizing the production of this book. The new General History of Africa project was developed in the 2010s, a period that is far from the African independence movements of the 1950s to the 1970s. This project is marked by other debates, namely those around political inclusion, the struggle for equal opportunity and justice, which are usually restricted to the confines of academia, organized social movements and State institutions. At the global level, the first two decades of the twenty-first century were characterized by two phenomena which are far from traditional historical landmarks: the development of information technologies and the rapid popularization of social media, catapulted by smartphones and other easily handled devices. These two phenomena have brought onto the global scene other political actors that have redefined the agendas of universities, just as African independence movements had done for more than half a century. Around the world, the toppling of statues of slave traders, enslavers, conquistadors, and other men who, in their times, used their powers to hunt and oppress Africans and their descendants may lead to the writing of other histories about African diasporas.
Surely, narratives of history are no longer exclusively produced within closed academic circles, shaped by Eurocentric perspectives. Social movements have been instrumental in creating a new historical memory for the societies where they exist. In The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon asserted that after dismantling colonial institutions, our challenge should be to decolonize our minds; in the same vein, in 'Redemption Song', Bob Marley urged us to 'emancipate ourselves from mental slavery'. We hope that this book will be a useful, if modest, pedagogical tool for achieving these goals through the teaching of history in schools and universities.
Prior to the wave of abolitionist movements in the 1830s and 1840s, the only means of escaping slavery was manumission. It was a psychologically important act, but a rarity according to Campbell and Alpers (2005). There were three cases for every 1,000 people enslaved on the Cape, and most of those manumitted on the Mascarene Islands were Creole people (Shell, 1994, p. 383; Bousquet, 2011, vol. II, p. 349; Allen, 1989). However, manumissions were limited and difficult to obtain. This is clearly demonstrated by the case of Furcy in 1817, who was not freed by his master until 1843, five years before the abolition of slavery, after a protracted court battle (Thureau, 1844). The difference between freedom and servitude persisted over a long period, with resistance - often armed - being the sole means of escaping enslavement.
century this "return" took on a practical form, resulting in the founding of Sierra Leone and Liberia. In the twentieth century, there have been any number of individuals who have sought to find their African souls or roots by undertaking sojourns in different parts of the continent. The ease of communication in a globalized world means that the sensibilities associated with belonging to an African diaspora continue to be strengthened by new points of meeting (in Europe and North America), by new demands for reparations for the cruelties of Atlantic slavery, and, very powerfully, by the symbolic and iconic achievements of the presidency of Barack Obama, as well as the dynamic contributions to the metropoles of the West made by artists, musicians, writers and intellectuals who have recently come out of Africa. Crucially, the African diaspora suggests that while there may be numerous transnational communities - both historical and contemporary - not all develop into diasporas, and while all diasporas are transnational communities, not all transnational communities are diasporas.
Understanding the link between gender and enslavement entails much more than inserting the female experience into analyses on enslaved societies. Ideas on femininity, sexuality and what being a woman means were central to the constitution of enslaved societies and the legalization of the institution of slavery. Enslaved females in the Americas and Africa performed roles that were considered to be socially off limits to honourable women, such as working in the fields, transporting items in urban areas, and working as midwives and healers. The social and historical definitions of the division of work between men and women were therefore fundamental to the roles performed by enslaved females. In captivity, enslaved females performed manual and domestic work and were the victims of both sexual and psychological abuse.
of Kenya extended beyond the Freretown and Rabai settlements in Kenya, and beyond the realms of church and education, to cover much of eastern Africa.
The Bombay Africans as returnee Africans have long passed away; their descendants married the enslaved people they freed or local Africans as they became dispersed throughout Africa. The memory of the Bombay Africans is nonetheless very much alive among the people of Rabai and Freretown, who continue to regard themselves with pride as Kenyan African communities with a unique history. | Conclusion | [
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] | 5 | 7,916 | ||
[Conclusion]
After independence from the Spanish metropolitan power, and in the process of shaping the Central American national states, racism took on a new role under the influence of eugenics. Ideas of separate development emerged and politicians attempted to confine Afrodescendants to the Caribbean coastal lowlands. These politicians also erased memories of colonial Afro-mestizo heritage, creating an idealized image of past societies as homogeneous, static, and the sole product of an epic Spanish achievement (Gudmundson, 1986). Despite that, the actions of Afro-Antillean immigrants have challenged the traditional narrative and have recovered the true story of African heritage within the culturally diverse Central American nations.
Finally, we have advanced here the concept of Global Africa as an epistemological tool and a core element in the way historical knowledge can be constructed. Deconstructing imperial concepts in order to develop new knowledge represents a challenge to the decolonizing of minds.
and decolonizing the ways we think about history, identity and epistemology may be central to helping us return to a new but familiar non-Western-centric 'Era of the Human', in which such false and reductive dichotomies no longer make sense and fall by the wayside (Benjamin and Lundy, 2014; Fanon, 1961 [1966]; Gualtieri, 2009; Kaye-Kantrowitz, 2007; Lorde, 1984; Rodney, 1972; Shohat and Stam, 1994; Wynter, 1979, 1998). | Conclusion | [
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[Conclusion | References]
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Ipsen, P. 2015. Daughters of the Trade. Atlantic Slavers and Interracial Marriage on the Gold Coast. Philadelphia, Penn., University of Pennsylvania Press. | Conclusion | References | [
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[INTRODUCTION]
INTRODUCTION
History of Africa and its Diasporas
Vanicléia Silva Santos
INTRODUCTION
The Epistemological Basis for Claiming Black Identities<br>Carole Boyce Davies
INTRODUCTION
Mapping the African Diasporas
Vanicléia Silva Santos | INTRODUCTION | [
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[INTRODUCTION | Introduction]
Introduction
In 2003, the Brazilian Government responded positively to the country's educational institutions' clamour for teaching material on the history of Africa by collaborating with UNESCO. It financed the translation into, and publication in, Brazilian Portuguese of the eight volumes of the General History of Africa (GHA) and allowed free Internet access for both reading and downloading the GHA. In addition to this translation, educational guides for schools were produced. In 2013, taking a further step, Brazil decided to finance the new General History of Africa project, which comprises the history of Africa and its diasporas. This initiative should not surprise us, since over 3 million people from different parts of Africa were shipped across the Atlantic to Brazilian ports (see www.slavevoyages), and as a result, 56 per cent of today's Brazilian population of around 200 million define themselves as Afrodescendants. In the 1850s, after the transatlantic slave trade had been abolished for a second time, slave ships continued to unload on the Brazilian coast people illegally brought from Africa. In 1888, Brazil became the last nation in the Americas to abolish slavery.
The partnership between the Brazilian Education Ministry and UNESCO is strongly associated with the approval of Law 10.639/2003, which institutionalized the teaching of African and Afro-Brazilian history and culture in schools. This
Introduction
In examining the issues of epistemology - the knowledge-production apparatus which informs representation - as it pertains to African peoples globally, we are faced with the reality that in every discipline, and in every location, one is confronted with the assumption of European historical timelines, theoretical formulations, and aesthetic principles as universal. The claim of western European scholarly enterprises to ownership of the universal has created a hierarchy of knowledge in which African peoples' contributions to human advancement remain at the bottom, if present at all, as such contributions are often totally erased from any intellectual consideration. This epistemological forum advances knowledge of African peoples globally and is divided into two key components, explained below.
Section 1 deals with race, location, diaspora and global blackness as historical and contemporary realities, covering a number of locational standpoints and knowledge fields. Section 2 addresses Global Africanity and the African diaspora and includes genealogies of current debate, fields excluded from prior consideration, concepts for which there is new discussion, and areas in which there is new research.
Considering institutionalized knowledge-production systems, as these pertain to African peoples, scholar Sylvia Wynter offered a relevant assessment according to which, with the rise of European modernity, there was created, simultaneously, a category of people whose epistemologies were rendered non-existent:
The internment of the New World peoples would be followed by that of the African lineage groups, homogenized under the commercial trade name of "negro". ... Soon the shift would be made to the humanist concept of Natural Causality ... in which the African mode of cultural reason was seen as a non-reason; and his internment in the plantation system as slave labor, was being carried out for the purpose of rationalizing him/her as an inferior mode of being in need of rational human baptism (Wynter, 1984, p. 35).
Introduction
The purpose of this section of Volume X of the General History of Africa is to trace the formation of African diasporas and outline their characteristics and connections with Africa. The chapters explore the connected histories and the agency of Africans forcibly removed from their homeland. The authors focus on Africans in Africa and other parts of the world and on modern Afrodescendants, considering their cultural and political traditions, as well as the continuity, rupture and transformation thereof.
Some conceptual questions require an explanation. The concept of diaspora is not restricted to, and does not originate specifically from, the study of people of African descent or a specific period. It is used to refer to the extensive migratory flows of different peoples - be they Asians, Jews, Muslims, Europeans, Africans or Palestinians - that have occurred throughout human history and relates to the formation of diaspora communities. However, diaspora is not synonymous with simple migration (Palmer, 2018, p. 15). Limited in scope, migration is defined as a change in residence across a specified geopolitical boundary, whereas a diasporic flow can be defined as the 'movement of a particular people to several places at once or over time' (Palmer, 2018, p. 216). A diaspora may therefore be the product of various diasporic currents that flow both involuntarily and
voluntarily. In the case of the African diasporas, different diasporic currents took peoples from different parts of Africa to different parts of the world, and to different regions inside the African continent itself.
partnership was essential to confronting political resistance to the law in Brazil. The law was accompanied by guidelines on how to equip schools with the necessary infrastructure. A new era was beginning: it was necessary to introduce new knowledge to promote a substantial change in the educational system. It was essential to break with the standard national narrative, which marginalized the African contribution to the formation of the Brazilian people and Brazilian society. The State recognized that teaching the history of Africa and the African diasporas was essential to combating racism and was an exercise in democracy. The law modified national legislation with regard to education (Gomes, 2011, p. 2). In sum, the institutionalization of the teaching of African history and Afro-Brazilian culture was part and parcel of a process to challenge the myth of racial democracy and overcome racism in Brazilian society. This struggle had as its main protagonists the black social movements, as well as numerous anti-racist organizations.
Despite the enormous African presence in Brazil and other nations, Eurocentric assumptions continued to downplay the contribution of African peoples to the formation of these societies. The production of these additional volumes on the history of Africa and its diasporas is a way of rescuing Africans and their descendants from invisibility or distorted histories in national narratives. These distorted histories tend to present the African continent as a homogeneous human and cultural territory.
The interest in producing this monumental work on African diasporas comes primarily from a demand from Afrodescendants all over the world. This book brings together old and new intellectual and political projects from outside and within the African continent. The central questions that guide us are: How do we build alternative historical knowledge about Africans and Afrodescendants in the diaspora? What are the specific roles of Africa in the history of African diasporas and the place of African diasporas in the history of Africa? | INTRODUCTION | Introduction | [
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] | 4 | 7,225 | |
[INTRODUCTION | Introduction]
So-called 'ethnicities' attributed to Africans in the diasporas outside Africa constitute the common thread of this section. The African identity vocabulary that emerged in societies of the Atlantic, the Mediterranean, South Asia, the Middle East and China was originally constructed by slave traders from these regions. In general, when assigning an identity to African captives, these foreign traders considered a wider region, such as Abyssinia or Ethiopia, or their ports of embarkation, such as Mina (a reference to São Jorge da Mina Castle, in presentday Ghana), Macua, Moçambique and so on. Such practices generated confusion about the identity of enslaved Africans. In the Americas, this identity was also termed 'nation', nación, nação and so on. Mariza de Carvalho Soares (2002, p. 60) points out that the nations attributed to Africans by the slave traders were incorporated by enslaved groups and used to reinforce 'old ethnic borders or establish new configurations' in the Atlantic world. Soares suggests the concept of 'origin groups' (grupos de procedência) for the purposes of understanding the identity system invented by the Atlantic slave traffickers. As for the enslaved Africans, they reorganized themselves based on common ethnic attributes as an alternative, but this was not the only alternative. The contributions in this section investigate ethnogenic processes among Africans and Afrodescendants.
The chapters in this section will address some key issues, such as the assumed equivalence between blackness and Africanity, the relationship between blackness and racialization, and global and local implications of black diasporic identity. While 'black' has been used as a descriptor and qualifier of history (black history), literature (black literature), art (Black Arts movement), political movements (Black Power or Black Lives movements), colleges and universities (historically black colleges and universities), and studies (black studies), among the most popular designations, its meaning is not always uniform. Contributors in this section will historicize the often-shifting meaning of blackness and provide geographical context for its application. The nature and meaning of Global African identity will be consistently part of these discussions, particularly since Africanity and, indeed, African identity are also constructs located temporally in certain social movements and economic and intellectual imperatives.
The people who voluntarily and involuntarily moved from the African continent, whether from the Mediterranean coast, East Africa or the Atlantic coast, belonged to different cultural systems. They spoke different languages, were subjects under various rulers and were members of dynamic, complex societies with more or less rigid hierarchies. The studies presented in this volume carefully consider all these factors when discussing African diasporic experiences. The large number of books and articles produced and congresses and other academic activities carried out in this field of study have shown that overarching, universal theories do not account for the dynamic realities of the African diasporas.
The mapping of African diasporas presented here represents a collective attempt to describe how Africans have been integrated into world history, how Africans and Afrodescendants have constructed their identities and their destinies against great odds, and how, in doing so, they have reshaped global history. In addition to the concept of diaspora, this volume looks at the broader concept of Global Africa, moving far beyond the English-speaking black Atlantic to connect different regions inside Africa with the outside world, namely, places in Asia, the Indian Ocean, the Mediterranean, Oceania and the
Pacific. The idea here is to counter the tendency to see the African diaspora exclusively as an Atlantic phenomenon, a tendency even marked by a Northern Atlantic bias (Gilroy, 1993).
On the idea of race and blackness, Denise Ferreira da Silva, in her Toward a Global Idea of Race (2007), advanced what she called the 'analytics of raciality'. Her aim was to understand how the 'nineteenth-century scientific projects of knowledge produced the notion of the racial, which institutes the global as an ontoepistemological context'. Thus, for her, the 'whole field of modern representation' is already contaminated with the logic of racial subjection, which has global implications. In that context, any understanding of modern global blackness comes already configured with this discourse of subjection. In her chapter 'Outlining the Global/Historical Subject', the specifics of how one is racialized in various locations remain a subject of continuing salience, as she sees the 'national text' reconfiguring globality and historicity. In many ways, though, this work owes a certain amount to Sylvia Wynter's 'theory of the human' (Wynter, 2003), which argues that Western man instated himself as man and instituted all others as deselected others, in accordance with a biocentric
conception tying the human to Homo economicus and, therefore, to material possession, and linking the deselected others to dispossession.
conception tying the human to Homo economicus and, therefore, to material possession, and linking the deselected others to dispossession.
It was precisely this conundrum of the racialization processes that was tackled by black intellectuals and activists in the assertion of pan-Africanism at the first such conference in London in 1900. There it was acknowledged that race remained salient for the ordering of Western and Western-derived societies. This continued throughout the twentieth century and into the twentyfirst century. The interplay between the global and the local remains, with its varying permutations in different locations, but with some commonalities around subjection and the creation of racial hierarchies. Cedric J. Robinson refers to 'racial capitalism' in his classic Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition (1983) to describe the ways in which capitalism and racism evolved together to produce racial capitalism. Racialization was already taking place in Europe via internal colonization, with its economic corollaries, and the creation of hierarchies in which European ethnic minorities asserted ascendancy and subordination of those defined as racialized others (including Irish, Welsh, and Basques). Thus, according to Walter D. Mignolo, a coloniality of knowledge occurred in which the 'expansion of Western capitalism implied the expansion of Western epistemology in all its ramifications' (2002, p. 59). | INTRODUCTION | Introduction | [
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[INTRODUCTION | Introduction]
Pacific. The idea here is to counter the tendency to see the African diaspora exclusively as an Atlantic phenomenon, a tendency even marked by a Northern Atlantic bias (Gilroy, 1993).
I wish to emphasize that the Global African diaspora perspective considers voluntary and involuntary migratory currents both inside and outside Africa. It goes beyond traditional views that simply focus on European domination and command over the flow of Africans around the world, without downplaying the role of the Europeans in the multiform exploitation of African peoples at home and abroad through time. We chose to go beyond this colonial narrative to introduce a timeline marked by successive diasporas and different dimensions of Africanness worldwide, bringing African peoples and their descendants to centre stage. Thence the importance of the concept of Global Africa, which also has an interdisciplinary aspect that creates a link between history and African studies, black studies, black Atlantic studies, Africana studies and decolonization approaches.
The research presented in this book is engaged in an effort to overcome a general, imprecise and racialized image of the African continent and its diasporas, which was often used to support the Hegelian notion that Africans had no history, that they did not belong to civilized societies and that they therefore did not contribute to the development of the societies into which they were forcibly inserted. These new perspectives seek to overcome the limitations of previous studies that concentrated on the demography of trafficking and the history of enslavement, and they move towards understanding the historicity of Africa and of Africans on and outside the continent. The emphasis is then shifted to investigations of the multiple experiences in both Africa and the different diaspora destinations, highlighting social and cultural issues as constitutive elements of African agency in exile.
One of the challenges of this section was delineating the space-time scale, as well as the historical approach. It was not possible, nor was it our goal, to eliminate the numerous time frames, topics and case studies presented. The editorial focus was the global history of Africans, emphasizing intercontinental interactions and their dynamics. However, inevitably, some regions and periods were better represented than others. Two aspects of this topic warrant particular clarification: first, the emphasis on the Atlantic was not intentional but, rather, determined by the contributions received; and second, Global Africa includes the people within the African continent itself, movements to other continents, mobility across continents and transnational identities.
Considering that there have been different diasporic currents throughout human history, Colin Palmer (2018, pp. 215-216) divides these currents into two
categories: the pre-modern diasporas, before 1500, and the modern diaspora, after 1500 . While the pre-modern concept is useful for distinguishing the period after the fifteenth century, the idea of a so-called 'pre-modern' Africa has Eurocentric connotations that should be avoided. For example, we consider the African diasporas from the seventh to the fourteenth century to be commercial, diplomatic and military diasporas, especially with regard to the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean basins. Palmer divides the modern African diaspora into three currents: (1) the transatlantic slave trade, from the fifteenth to the nineteenth century; (2) the movement of African captives and free migrants to the Indian Ocean basin, East Asia and Oceania in roughly the same period; and (3) the current that began at the end of the nineteenth century has continued in the twenty-first century, and is characterized by the voluntary movement of Africans and Afrodescendants inside and outside Africa.
The papers in this section deal with commercial, diplomatic and military diasporas that have settled across the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean basins since the seventh century. However, the majority of the chapters focus on the modern diaspora, characterized by the development of commercial systems that promoted forced movements of Africans to Europe, the Americas, East Asia, the Indian Ocean islands and the Middle East. The chapters offer a complex view of Global Africa in various parts of the world between the seventh and twentieth centuries, an aspect of which was migration to societies in the Americas, Europe, Africa, the Mediterranean and Middle East, South Asia, China and Oceania. It should be emphasized that these diasporas resulted from several currents that existed for a long time. Most, but not all, were engulfed by the slave trade. An estimated 12,500,00 million people were taken from Africa to the Americas between the beginning of the sixteenth and the end of the nineteenth century (Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database). According to Joseph E. Inikori (1982, p. 20), the actual figure was probably much higher, reaching 15,400,000. Some 14,387,000 people were taken to the Indian Ocean and Asian regions, between 650-1875 (Austen, 1979, p. 68). In the Mediterranean basin, around 1.7 million Africans were part of the Sahara-Maghrib slave trades between 1550 and 1900 (Austen, 1992, p. 227). The slave trade during the period from the Arab expansion in North Africa (667) to the second half of the sixteenth century 'remains too thinly documented for any direct calculation of its scale' (Austen, 1992, p. 222). Here, the chapter written by Salah Trabelsi is a significant contribution to the documentation of the African presence in the Iberian Peninsula. An important word about the slave-trade numbers: all calculations are based on
the documents available, which are very limited for some regions and periods. These numbers are therefore estimates and not exact calculations.
the documents available, which are very limited for some regions and periods. These numbers are therefore estimates and not exact calculations.
Lastly, a point that is central to this publication: when talking about diasporic currents, we are also referring to movements of people with unique personal trajectories that have long been invisible in conventional narratives (Davies, 2003), which are based on documents that have identified said people as, and relegated them to the category of, 'slaves' or the 'undocumented' (Azoulay, 2020). | INTRODUCTION | Introduction | [
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[The concept of diaspora and its uses as intellectual capital in Black communities]
The concept of diaspora and its uses as intellectual capital in Black communities
At different points in history, from very early on, millions of Africans were part of the African diasporas. They were moved across the oceans to places in Europe, the Middle East, Asia, Oceania and, above all, the Americas. These diasporas are the result of various, usually forced, migratory waves that occurred over a long period. Most, but not all, of the people concerned were victims of
the slave trade. It is estimated that between the seventh and the nineteenth centuries, the trade in enslaved Africans across the Indian Ocean involved about 14.4 million persons who were taken to places in India, the Indian Ocean islands, the Middle East and China (Austen, 1979, p. 68). It has been estimated that about 12.5 million people were taken from Africa to the Americas between the beginning of the sixteenth century and the end of the nineteenth century (Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database). According to Joseph Inikori (1982, p. 20), this figure was probably much higher, reaching 15.4 million. Thus, in the Indian Ocean basin, the Middle East (Jayasuriya and Pankhurst, 2003) and the Americas, the African presence was significant. However, the production of knowledge about African peoples and their descendants has been marked by silence as to their contributions and by the erasure of their memory from national narratives as presented via textbooks, public monuments, national heroes, street names, museums and so on. In this volume, there are several examples of how silencing worked in Canada, Mexico, Brazil, Reunion Island, Iran and other nations. Ideas about the 'inexistence' of black people, their disappearance or miscegenation are still part of official national narratives to deny African heritage in different countries, independently of African demographic representation.
Whether because of their demographic significance or the role they have played in various spheres of economic, social and cultural life, Africans and Afrodescendants have been essential to global civilization. The concern with building a counter-hegemonic narrative was first prompted by black social movements and intellectuals. The first writings were produced by Africans in exile, outside and inside the continent of Africa. Victims of forced migration and enslavement, these individuals denounced their ordeals and established their humanity through writing.
There are early examples of Africans and Afrodescendants who wrote about their experience as captives. That is the case of Ahmad Baba al-Timbukti (15561627), a scholar in Timbuktu captured by the Moroccan army and forcibly resettled in Marrakesh, capital of the Saadam caliphate. In 1594, Ahmad Baba continued his work in the largest mosque and university of the Marrakech court. After 13 years of detention, he returned to Timbuktu. During his time in exile, Ahmad Baba wrote Mi'raj al-Su'ud (1616), which deals with religion, conversion, freedom and the legality of enslavement (Mota, 2018, pp. 270-271).
Across the Atlantic, in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Afrodescendants also wrote about their experiences. For example, Olaudah Equiano (who came from West Africa to Barbados, then went to the United States of America and later moved on to England) and Mahommah Gardo
Baaquaqua (who went from West Africa to Brazil and then to the United States and England, also making a visit to Haiti), whose autobiographies show the intellectual sophistication of enslaved Africans in the Americas. Both men are discussed in this volume. In the nineteenth century, writers of the African diaspora, including Harriet Tubman, Frederick Douglass and W. E. B. Du Bois in the United States, Anténor Firmin in Haiti, Henry Sylvester Williams in Trinidad, and Joaquim Maria Machado de Assis, Luis Gama and Maria Firmina dos Reis in Brazil, were among the many men and women who placed slavery, emancipation and post-emancipation at the centre of their concerns. In the twentieth century, intellectual production on these themes continued throughout the diaspora with key concerns such as pan-Africanism (all over the Americas), the Harlem Renaissance (United States), Negritude (French Caribbean), Negrismo (Cuba), Haitian Indigenism and Teatro Experimental do Negro (Brazil), in addition to decolonization in Africa and the civil rights movements in several places. African diaspora thinking was not born in the academy, but instead emerged from historical, cultural and political processes carried out by members of the African diaspora. Antecedents of this agency are covered by the authors in this volume. | The concept of diaspora and its uses as intellectual capital in Black communities | [
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[Defining Global Africa beyond the Black Atlantic]
Defining Global Africa beyond the Black Atlantic
In recent decades, scholars have been defining and redefining African diaspora studies in order to advance conceptual, geographic, temporal, methodological and thematic ideas (Du Bois, 1915; Shepperson, 1965; Asante, 1987; Wynter, 1995; Alpers, 2001; Manning, 2003; Hine and McLeod, 2001; Davies, 2003; Davies et al.; 1999; Zeleza, 2005). The concept of the African diaspora enables new approaches in order to rewrite the history and to change national narratives. A synthetic definition is offered by Joseph E. Harris, a pioneer in the field:
'The African diaspora concept subsumes the following: the global dispersion (voluntary and involuntary) of Africans throughout history; the emergence of a cultural identity abroad based on origin and social condition; and the psychological or physical return to the homeland, Africa. Thus viewed, the African diaspora assumes the character of a dynamic, continuous, and complex phenomenon stretching across time, geography, class, and gender' (Harris, 1982, p. 5).
In the 1990s, Colin Palmer offered a historically-based concept of the African diaspora:
'The modern African diaspora, at its core, consists of the millions of peoples of African descent living in various societies who are united by a past based significantly but not exclusively upon "racial" oppression and the struggles against it; and who, despite the cultural variations and political and other divisions among them, share an emotional bond with one another and with their ancestral continent; and who also, regardless of their location, face broadly similar problems in constructing and realizing themselves [...]
Methodologically speaking, the study of the modern African diaspora should, in my opinion, begin with the study of Africa. The African continent - the ancestral homeland - must be central to any informed analysis and understanding of the dispersal of its peoples. Not only must the programs that are designed promote an understanding of the history and nature of the variegated African cultures, but it must be recognized that the peoples who left Africa and their ethnic group, coerced or otherwise, brought their cultures, ideas, and worldviews with them as well' (1998, p. 217).
Palmer places Africa as the starting point for understanding what happens with dislocated peoples inside and outside the African continent. He distances himself from perspectives centred on the United States of America and rejects the notions of homogeneity in the diaspora: 'scholars must resist any tendency to homogenize and conflate the histories of these variegated peoples whose memories are still haunted by an ocean that is associated with the travail of their ancestors' (1998, p. 218). This is one of the ideas in this project, which defines Global Africa with the inclusion of its diasporas.
In the last few decades, dozens of encyclopedias, collections and monographs have been published to cover African diasporas around the world. New research shows how Africans faced new environments using diverse strategies of adjustment. The research in this volume focuses on the trilogy of racism, domination and resistance. The chapters bring African cultures and societies to the centre stage in the discussion of African diasporas because we think it essential to start with Africa to understand the African diasporas and their transformations in time. Our authors point to historical, cultural and political connections with Africa without neglecting the importance of larger macroprocesses, particularly the evolving capitalist world system.
The chapters in this volume cover three main themes: (1) the various African diasporas, ancient and modern, their numerous contributions to the construction of modern societies, and their struggles for emancipation, independence and improvement; (2) the local dimensions of race/blackness, including racism and black identity movements; and (3) trajectories of individuals who survived the slave trade and slavery and became visible in the history of Global Africa.
We try to answer the associated questions on both a temporal and a spatial level. On a temporal level, the essays cover the transit of Africans within the continent and to the various regions of the Middle East, the Americas, Europe, the Pacific, the Indian Ocean region, China and Australia from the time of ancient Egypt to the modern period. They examine the mutual bonds between Africans and Afrodescendants on different continents as connected by trade, diplomacy, maritime crossings, slavery, emancipation and post-emancipation, colonialism and post-colonialism, internal migrations and the return of freed Africans and their children to the continent.
Although the majority of the African diaspora members were victims of the slave trade, it is essential to keep in mind that not all enslaved people were African. Therefore, slave communities, say in the Americas, should not be considered synonymous with African diasporic communities (Jayasuriya, 2008). In Goa, for example, between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, manumission letters show that among the enslaved there were Indian and Chinese people. However, the majority of the manumitted wore 'Gatual', 'Curumbim' and 'Balagate' garb, which suggests that they were from India itself (Faria, 2020, p. 11). Even in Brazil, the term 'slave' was not synonymous with African, since the Indigenous populations, called 'negros da terra' (blacks of the land), were largely enslaved during the colonial period.
To avoid generalizing and essentialist approaches, the authors were invited to use in their papers 'native' terms adopted by the groups and individuals themselves in their local or regional contexts. In this introduction and in the introduction to Section II, I have chosen the term 'Afrodescendants' to refer to the second generation onward because of the more common use of this term in several countries, along with the combination 'Afro-' or 'African-' + nationality (for example, Afro-Brazilian, Afro-Iranian, African-American, Afro-Indian, Afro-Sri Lankan, Afro-Pakistani (Jayasuriya, 2008), Afro-Portuguese, AfroMalagasy and so on). However, these are not the only terms used by people on the ground to identify themselves or to identify others. In the following epistemological section of the book, several authors discuss concepts or definitions related to blackness. According to Agustín Laó-Montes' chapter, for example, 'both black and Afro-descendants flourish as positive signifiers of blackness and Africanity throughout Latin America'. He adds that the fact that the term 'Afrodescendant' is being incorporated into the languages of governments, transnational institutions and everyday use indicates a 'small political-cultural revolution against racism' as Afro-Latin Americans move from invisibility to public perception.
Far from being a compact mass of homogenizing narratives, each chapter is a product of original research or comprehensive synthesis that explores evidence regarding specific historical experiences in the diaspora. The chapters also reveal exercises of interdisciplinary dialogue as a tool for the study of Africa and the African diasporas, especially combining history, cultural anthropology, literature, linguistics, art, geography and archaeology, among other disciplines. Finally, the archives visited by our authors are located in different physical places of the global diaspora, as well as on virtual platforms. | Defining Global Africa beyond the Black Atlantic | [
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[Organization of Volume X]
Organization of Volume X
Volume X of the General History of Africa contains 68 chapters organized into three sections. The first section, Redefining Global Africanity and blackness, is coordinated by Carole Boyce Davies. It is the result of an epistemological forum that addressed the different historical contexts where the concept of race emerged to understand how Africans and Afrodescendants perceive and refer to themselves, as well as how others have perceived and perceive them, from antiquity to contemporary times. The section is divided into two subsections. The first - Race, location, diaspora and global blackness - features contributions on different historical and contemporary realities concerning various fields of knowledge and various regions (United States, ancient Egypt, North Africa, Latin America, South Asia and China). The second - Global Africanity and the African diaspora - is dedicated to innovative epistemological efforts and new research on African transnationalisms and diasporas, feminist epistemologies in Global Africa, the black queer diaspora, discriminatory rhetoric in the ArabMuslim world, and indigeneity.
The second section of the book, coordinated by Vanicléia Silva Santos, is structured around six themes: the formation of communities, resistance, spiritualities, languages, labour and technology, and returns to Africa. The first concerns the currents of voluntary and involuntary movements in the eastern and western Indian Ocean, as well as the creation of black communities in Europe, the Indian Ocean region, the west and east coasts of Africa, and the Americas. The second has to do with the various forms of resistance among Africans and those of their descendants who found themselves enslaved or under other forms of oppression and exploitation in and outside Africa. The theme of resistance is not limited to this part of the book. In the third thematic subsection, diasporic forms of religion are addressed from the standpoint of
cultural resistance and community formation. The fourth subsection focuses on the languages spoken in Africa and their presence in the lexicons of European languages and in music and other performance traditions. The fifth subsection deals with the different types of labour performed by Africans, besides work in mines and on plantations; it also discusses the technologies Africans brought from their places of origin to the New World. And, finally, the last subsection covers the return of Africans and their descendants from specific diaspora territories to specific locations in Africa.
The third and last section is coordinated by Paul Lovejoy. The focus is on the life stories of Africans and Afrodescendants victimized by slavery and the slave trade. The biographies of men and women present African diasporas in their most human and representative aspects. They cover a wide geographical area, including Brazil, Guadeloupe, Mexico, United States of America, Sierra Leone, Benin, Calabar, Angola, Mozambique, the Ottoman Empire, France and England. The section's collaborators narrate the experiences of Juan Correa (a baroque painter in Mexico); Joseph Bologne de Saint-Georges (a musician born in Guadeloupe and educated in France); Olaudah Equiano (an African-born sailor and abolitionist); Osifekunde of Ijebu (a domestic worker in Brazil and France); Ana Joaquina dos Santos e Silva (a slave trader in Angola); Nicholas Said (a soldier from Borno who worked in different cities in North Africa, the Middle East, Russia and the Americas); Nadir Agha (an Abyssinian eunuch in Istanbul); Gracia Maria da Conceição Magalhães, also known as Gracia Guiné (a manioc flour merchant in Rio de Janeiro); and others. These African diaspora figures played various roles that enabled them to enjoy a usually more rewarding life experience than most individuals of their ilk. This section highlights the study of these individuals and raises questions about the various paths that enslaved Africans followed while retaining and recreating in different ways, despite tremendous restraints, at least some of their cultural backgrounds. | Organization of Volume X | [
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